Monthly Archives: October 2017

Research Statement: Ilé Orí

Eli Van Buren

 

The symbolism of the head has a very powerful meaning in Yoruba and the African Diaspora religions’ culture. It is said that one has two heads: the outer spiritual head and the inner spiritual head. I don’t really care about the outer head. The inner spiritual head is physically represented in the Ile Ori, or the “House of the Head.” I chose to study the Ile Ori in the Spirited Things exhibition because I’d like to realize why ancient Yoruba peoples put such a strong emphasis on the head and how those practices translated to Haitian Vodun across generations and the Atlantic ocean. The inner head is so central to Afro-Atlantic spirituality that people would almost entirely cover their Ile Ori with cowrie shells, the equivalent to plastering the steering wheel of your car with dollar bills. In Black Atlantic spirituality, the head is closely tied to the concept of Ifa; fate or destiny. In understanding the significance of something so culturally important, one can see into the values of a culture to gain a view of a much broader concept: how this specific culture approaches one of humanity’s greatest spiritual questions about fate, destiny, and free will.

 

A couple class readings evidence and answers can be pulled from include The Yoruba World by Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun, as well as Afro-Caribbean Spirituality: A Haitian Case Study by Karen McCarthy Brown. The former article touches on the importance of the inu ori (inner head), ile ori, and the individuality associated with both. “The privacy and uniqueness of a person is the theme of the ile ori (‘house of the head’)…the object holds a symbol…of a person’s inner, spiritual essence.” (Drewal Pemberton Abiodun 27) In contrast to expressing a person’s individuality, the inu ori has much to do with spirit possession; orisa inhabiting one’s head and body. The Haitian case study can lend some insight into showing what methods and symbols have changed from traditional Yoruba worship to Vodun in the context of possession. Both of these two articles provide a wealth of information as a base for my continued external research to expand upon.

 

To find some answers, or at least the information I need to form my own answers, I should consult our UVM library to find some published sources on the Ile Ori. Ideally some sort of in depth analysis of the sculpture, explaining the different parts and meanings of each, though I may need to look through a few sources to find consistencies. Additionally, I am sure Duke University’s African religions website has quite a few articles on what I’m looking for. Context-providing secondary sources could be anything from traditional stories pertaining to the importance of the Ile Ori, to anthropological articles detailing how people relate to their Ile Ori and treat it in an everyday context.

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1Wn4-n9Ij01RA9pvItlslwNflXLrl7opU4wnmL0PVLr8/edit?usp=sharing

Cuban House for Elegguá

I am studying the Cuban House for Elegguá. It is a wooden model house covered in red and black beads, a wooden face, and cowry shells. It is a representation of the god Elegguá or Eshu who is the crossroads god. Elegguá has the power to make all things happen. He represents all the possible paths of life. He is the messenger for all Orisha (gods). I am researching this object because I want a better understanding of how the crossroads work in the Cuban Santeria religion, and what sociological significance they hold. Understanding the sociological significance of the crossroads will help my reader understand the indigenous concepts of power and how western society demonizes what they cannot fully understand.

In class, we have talked on multiple occasions about Eshu and his powers as the crossroads god. Elegguá/ Eshu is this little god who has the ability to make life problematic or painless. Elegguá has power over everyone due to the fact that he is the messenger for all Orishas. In Flash of the Spirit Thompson talks about Eshu and his characterization as “ ‘The devil’ ”(Flash19) by missionaries. Thompson then continues to describe Eshu and show the reader that he isn’t “The Devil” but is “Outwardly mischievous but inwardly full of overflowing grace”(Flash 19). Thompson caps it off by saying that he cannot be characterized even by his own people “Even his names compound his mystery” (Flash 19). This is due to the fact that Eshu has many different names such as Eshu, Elegbara, Elegguá, and Elegba. He is known as “The childless wanderer” (flash 19) or “owner of power”(flash 19). It is incredibly interesting how Eshu has this power that connects all of these followers with their gods and for the most part binds their society together.

To fully develop my understanding of Elegguá/Eshu and indigenous concepts of power I am going to look at articles on Eshu to increase my understanding of his responsibilities and his ties to other Orisha. I would like to look at journals and recordings of Elegguá festivals and ceremonies so that I can build background knowledge. Finally, I hope to find some sort of interview with a religious figure in which questions are asked about the significance of Elegguá/ Esu in these religions.

Jack Bechtold

Research Statement – Bottino, Jamie

 

Opa Osun

My research will be centered on the Opa Osun staff of fate, an artifact that represents the destiny of an Orisha worshipper. A staff of this nature is commonly placed in front of one’s home to enrich the life of its owner. Composed of mostly iron, the staff is approximately 30 inches tall and 10 inches in diameter. The staff must always remain upright; placing the object horizontally on the ground is considered to be an act of ill will specifically felt by the owner. The object itself consists of two levels that resemble the ring around Saturn. On each level there are many small birds circling the stalk of the staff, however the lower level differs because it contains a large bird surrounded by the smaller ones. Birds are critical to Yoruba culture for they are associated with the importance of the head. By focusing on the object in context, I would like to reveal whether or not the object was placed in front of an Orisha follower’s home, and how it has become a museum artifact. In addition to this, I hope my findings allow me to learn if the staff is still activated in the sense that the same rules apply when it was utilized by its owner.

The elements of Yoruba culture that give the Opa Osun meaning have been discussed in several readings covered in the course curriculum. “Ase: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art”, presented by Professor Abiodun, discusses the vital force of Ase. Ase is said to be present in all facets of Yoruba art, including objects such as staffs. Analyzing the essence of Ase from the reading will give insight to the question of whether or not the Opa Osun is still activated in the context of the museum. If the staff does in fact remain activated, the measures that are taken to prevent foul placement will be detailed. The Opa Osun contains visual sculpted birds, which are emphasized in Yoruba culture because a bird’s head is the front facing part of its body. The critical role of the head is explained in “Yoruba World”. “It is the site of one’s spiritual essence, the place through which divine forces enter during possession trance, and a kind of visible oriki conveying a person’s dignity and pride in positive achievement” (Drewal, Pemberton, Abiodun 15). By analyzing the prominence of one’s head in the reading it is hoped to reason why birds were incorporated in a staff that represents the fate and destiny of its owner.

In order to learn more about the origin of the Opa Osun staff in the exhibit, I will enlist help from the library staff to possibly find reports of similar staffs in Nigeria. By doing so I hope to find the region where this staff was located which will help me determine if the staff once belonged to a practitioner and was misplaced. Another source I intend to use to further understand the questions put forth will be articles that include iron staffs in Yoruba culture and the treatment by owners to prevent ill will. Using the library’s Gale database tool, I will be able to focus on peer reviewed scholarly journals relating to the topic. Another potential resource I can use to answer my questions is some sort of film that incorporates the pertinence of birds in Yoruba culture. A film or documentary that explicitly describes the concept of the larger bird surrounded by lesser birds is preferred to benefit my understanding of the Opa Osun staff.

 

 

Research Statement: Pakèt Kongo for Èzili Dantó

I am studying the Pakèt Kongo for Èzili Dantó on the Haitian Vodou altar. Èzili Dantó is the warrior mother, she is often depicted as a black Madonna and she is always shown with a child. Her colors are red, blue, and green. Èzili Dantó is the perfect mother, she will drop everything to help her children and she is the protector of single mothers, working women, and abused women. I am studying the Pakèt Kongo for Èzili Dantó because I want to find out how the object is used in Vodou, how it represents who Èzili Dantó is and why a Paket Kongo is used to represent her on altars. The goddess Èzili Dantó is sometimes often referred to as Èzili Dantór or just Dantór. She is one of the Petro Lwa and is considered to be one of the “hot” spirits because she can be wild, aggressive, and not easy to control. Èzili Dantó is matched with the image of Mater Salvatoris and with other Madonnas such as Our Lady of Czestochowa and Our Lady of Mount Carmel.
Johnson talked about hybridity in religion and the ways that religions like Christianity and Catholicism mixed with African diasporic religions. Christianity mixed with Haitian Vodou during the slave revolution in the 1800s in Haiti. Polish troops sided with the Haitian slaves which led to Our Lady of Czestochowa becoming an image of Èzili Dantó.
For my research and object analysis I’m going to need primary and secondary sources talking about Èzili Dantó and Pakèt Kongos and their functions on Haitian Vodou altars. I will use the UVM library to look for resources that have information on Èzili Dantó and on Haitian Vodou altars. Duke University’s site on the sacred arts of the Black Atlantic may also be useful in determining the purpose of Pakèt Kongos and how they represent the god or goddess they are for.

Research Statement: Esu Sculpture

I am studying the Votary sculpture for Esu found in the Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic exhibit. The sculpture is carved from wood, stands two feet tall, and features Esu, with a typical Janus-like projection from the rear of his head, riding a horse and surrounded by ritual assistants. I would like to further understand a concept briefly outlined in the sculpture’s description found in exhibit’s website, the concept of Esu and other Orisha being visually depicted as foreigners. This topic will better allow myself and readers to understand some of the blending and hybridity that occurs in Yoruba religion and culture.

Johnson’s “Syncretism and Hybridity” is particularly relevant to my research. In his writing, Johnson notes that, “This [hybridity] has value for students of religion because it reminds us to distinguish the deliberate efforts towards combining parts of various religious traditions from unintentional or unconscious or interpenetration. “Syncretism and Hybridity” and other writings will allow me to better understand and explain the concept of visual depiction of Esu and other Orisha as foreigners.

To aid my research, I will need to utilize several sources. Primary sources I can utilize include other depictions of Esu or other Orisha as hailing from a foreign land or culture. Other useful sources include documents and readings on cultural blending and hybridity. Sources containing detailed descriptions of the construction and meaning of details in an Esu statue, such as the one found on the Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic website, will be extremely helpful in furthering my knowledge on the subject.

Ibirí Wand of Goddess Nanã Research Statement

The ibiri, is a scepter-like object carried by the orixa of dance, death, disease and mud; Nanã. Nanã is an orixa of the Brazilian practice of Candomble. The ibiri was said to have been for with Nanã, in the placenta, and the staff itself grew as Nanã aged. However, the staff was placed into the earth, and Nanã was temporarily seperated from it. Until, her son Omolú had found it and brought it back to his mother, and this is what the word ibiri is translated into “Son-found-it- and brought-back-to-me” as found on page 71 in our textbook. The ibiri, is a twin scepter, to the xaxará, the scepter had by Omolú, god of pestilence, and her son. The ibiri is made of a gathered bunch of the ribs of palm fronds, around which is an intricately interwoven net of woven African straw, and adorned with various colored swatches, especially of the colors blue and white, and cowry shells. The colors of blue and white are especially associated with Nanã. The ibiri, is a symbol to the orixa, of when she carried her son in her arms as an infant.

My question is to seek how the ibiri is activated and used in Candomble practices, and how a devotee of Nanã can use the wand and activate its abilities in ritualistic practices. Also, I wish to discover more about the practice of dancing, using the ibiri, as Nanã is also the orixa of dancing, and knowing thus far into our learning of ritualistic practices of black Atlantic religions, how important dancing and motion is in activating not only a religious object, but also the Ashe of the practitioner, during these rituals.

In order to discover more about the answers to my questions, I will consult our textbook primarily, as Nanã is discussed in Chapter One, and the history of the Ibiri and the birth, life, and mythology of the goddess, herself. Also, I will use the library here at UVM to attempt and discover further history and practices of the Ibiri, primarily how it is used in Candomblé practices, but also relations of the Ibiri, and the orixa Nanã with the religious practices, and possible interactions with other deities.

Research Statement Staff of God Oxala

I am studying the staff of the God Oxalá who is the oldest of the orishas. He is the orisha of purity and whiteness and owns the head. He walks hunched over using the staff to support him. Oxalá is syncretized with Jesus Christ just like other orishas are associated with Catholic saints. He is the father of all Orisha and the owner of all Ori. The oldest avatar of Oxalá carries this significant staff or paxorô.

Oxalás colors are white and silver, this is represented in the silver six-tiered staff. The top holds a crown symbolizing his power and a dove representing peace and his preferred sacrificial animal. Hanging on each of the tiers are pendants meant to represent Oxalá himself and the other orishas associated with him. On each of the six tiers which stick out like umbrellas are attached pendants including shapes of fish, mortars, bells, butterflies, and feathers. Each pendant represents one of the orishas. An example is the fish pendant represents the sea Iemanjã.

To find more information about the paxorô of
Oxalá I will use the UVM library to find books explaining the use of the staff in religious practices. Primary and secondary sources found on the internet may also aid me to find how the significance of the paxorô for personhood. Duke University’s site on the sacred arts of the Black Atlantic also gives information on the symbolism of the pendants which can represent its function in society. 

 

Object Analysis Research Statement

 

I am studying an alter crown for Yemoyá from the Santoriá religion. I’m studying this because I want to discover how the object is used, and how it differs from other crowns in the Santeriá religion and how it differs from the crowns in other Yoruba religions, as well as looking at the differences in the crowns at differing levels in the hierarchy and royalty within the gods. The crown is an important part to these religions and to the way that they are used within families and their altars, which is what makes studying the symbolism of the crowns so interesting. Through researching these questions, I will be able to help the reader understand the symbolism of the crown and what makes them so important as well as looking at the different types of crowns and how they differ in the different religions.

Crowns play a role in many of the religions and altars that we have been studying, so this connects my object and the questions I am asking about them perfectly as I am asking about how the crowns differ across the religions that we are studying. When we look at the religions that we have been studying we generally see the crowns in two different places, we either find them on altars as crowns for the soup tureen, or we find them being used as crowns for sovereigns.  “Crown, Ekiti, 19th-20th century. The conical beaded crown with veil symbolizes the inner spiritual head of the kind and links him with all his royal ancestors who have joined the pantheon of gods.”  (Drewal, Pemberton & Abiodun, p. 32) This is a demonstration of a crown symbol in another yoruba related religion, which could be used to show the reader the symbolism of the crown and what makes them so important in the religions.

To find information about crowns I will need to use many different resources as I am not just looking at one religion in particular. So, to find enough information I will be looking for articles about them, if I could find something that is written by an altar maker or someone who makes crowns that would be ideal. My secondary sources could be various books or other articles written about the altars or religions to help me to contextualize the types of crowns for that specific religion. If I could find a documentary that studies the altars that would also help to contextualize the altar crowns in relation to their importance with the other parts of the altars.

-Sam Brady

Research Statement: Soup Tureen Altar for the Goddess Obba

Noah Stommel

I am studying a soup tureen dedicated to the goddess Obba, wife of the thunder god Shango. This tureen is bright pink and is decorated with beads and cowrie shells in symmetrical patterns. This tureen is intended to symbolize the significance of a legend in which Obba was tricked into cutting off her ear by her co-wife, which she then served to Shango in a stew. Of course, rather than an ear in the tureen, traditional stones and cowrie shells would be placed inside to activate it. I am interested in finding out how this tureen is activated in context by people of Yoruba and Santeria faiths. Answering this question will help readers to understand the importance of key aspects of altar activation in Yoruba-inspired religions, as well as the value of the roles a tureen like this one might play in the lives of a dedicated Yoruba or Santeria practitioner.

Answers to these questions may emerge out of several of the class readings, including “The Yoruba World,” by Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun, which discusses the importance of Ase in activating art forms in Orisha religion. Ase is the life force possessed by every single thing in this world. Ultimately, “existence, according to Yoruba thought is dependent upon it; it is the power to make things happen and change” (Drewal, Pemberton & Abiodun, p. 16). Consequently, Ase has a big influence on the power of art in Orisha religion, as elaborated up in “Ase: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power Through Art,” by Rowland Abiodun. Specifically related to my object of interest is a reading called “Face of the Gods: The Artists and Their Altars,” by Robert Farris Thompson, which cites an example of tureens symbolizing the presence of multiple orisha, given authority through the placement of stones and within the tureens themselves, similarly to the one in the museum.

In the library, I intend to find further sources to help me find the answer to the question of how this tureen is used by people of Yoruba and Santeria faiths, and how contextualization may influence activation and importance in honoring Obba. One source I intend to consult could be a catalogue of religious artifacts significant to Orisha religions of the Atlantic. Looking through such a catalogue would also give me insight into how similar items may be activated to be of religious significance. Films that investigate first-hand how these items are utilized would also be very valuable in discerning how Yoruba people and their descendants use tureens in their religion. Secondary sources would also be important for conducting research, as they provide an analysis of primary sources that could therefore be helpful for forming ideas. Articles and reviews on films or exhibits are great ways to gather a richer understanding of the items we are trying to learn more about.

Research Statement: Attire of the Manifest God Ṣango

Spirit possession is a large aspect of Diaspora religion, for instance Shango, Yoruba god of thunder and lightning possesses his followers, taking them as brides in an eternal commitment. I am studying the outfit worn by Shango’s bride. This outfit is worn by those who are possessed by the Orisa Shango, which are typically referred to as ‘mounts.’ The outfit consists of a cloth wrap which is covered in cowry shells which represent wealth and power, as they were formerly used as currency. The shells are said to enrich the mount. Also, the outfit consists of a brightly colored tiger print skirt, which represents Shango’s ferocity. I am studying this outfit in order for the reader to discover how spirit possession of the wearers of these outfits contributes to the  personhood and identity of those possessed.

My question I am trying to answer is ‘how spirit possession of brides contributes their personhood and identity.’ Those possessed refers to whoever wears this outfit. A class reading I have seen this question emerge from is Thompsons “Flash of The Spirit,” on PG 86 where he talks about those possessed by Shango. This source says the áshe of Shango is found within a stone, and only he and his brave followers know how to balance this stone, unsupported on their heads. This chapter has other details regarding specifics on spirit possession as well. For instance Thompson writes, “the áshe of Shango is found within the stone.” These details can be used to identify how a brides commitment to Shango influences their identity and personhood.

In order to better understand my question I will need primary ethnographical documents written by those who have been around brides of Shango. I believe understanding their lives more may help answer the question better. Also, I would need secondary resources such as cultural encyclopedias which document the history of Yoruba people and the origin of spirit possessions within their culture. Thirdly, finding more articles written by authors such as Thompson will probably be my most promising avenue. The readings we do in class tend to explain the logistics behind Diaspora culture, which is ultimately the main goal. Discovering the reasoning behind spirit possession, as well as its history is an important step in understanding Shango’s connection with his brides.