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Ancestor Worship: Professor Matory’s Spiritist Altar in Context

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Jack Bechtold, Noah Stommel, Wyatt Kowalchuk

Professor Matory’s Spiritist Altar

As one enters the “Spirited Things” exhibit at the Fleming Museum, an altar belonging to Professor Lorand Matory adorned with framed portraits and wine glasses comes into focus. A plaque beside the altar indicates that Spiritism or Espiritismo, to which this altar belongs, is an African diasporic religion most practiced in Brazil, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic. Throughout the centuries since the slave trade, multiple religions from a variety of cultures have syncretized to form Spiritism, including those of Native Americans, Africans, and Europeans. Further elaborated upon by the museum plaque is that Spiritism has a foundation based heavily on the writings of a nineteenth century Frenchman named Allan Kardec. Spiritism is a highly variable religion of syncretized traditions, in which we see practitioners following a religious base that can express itself in different ways. The core of Spiritism focuses on the dead, and how one can connect the spiritual world with the human world to solve problems.

Known for “generating a niche of practice premised on a loose set of common assumptions regarding the realm of spirits and its influences on the living” (Santo 4, 2015), Spiritist altars provide a sense of both conventional religiosity and personal reverence for ancestors. Espiritistas or Spiritists, profess to receive authentic spiritual insights through visions and dreams directly from God. There is no reason for them to believe that their religious communications are a result of the combinations seen between the many cultures present in New World nations (Romberg 77, 1998). Practitioners believe Spiritism is ultimately an independent religion, and not just a hybrid resulting from various other cultures. However, this brings us to an important observation that considers how Spiritism puts emphasis on the reverence of one Christian God. As inspired by Kardec’s writings, the God seen in Christianity is to be the ultimate spiritual form of intelligence in the universe, and all spirits who are fundamentally worshipped by Spiritists are manifestations of God (Romberg 71, 1998). Another prime example of how multiple cultures have mixed to form Spiritism is in the case of Christian saints representing West-African Orisha equivalents in rituals (Garoutte & Wambaugh 158, 2007). Not only have European and African traditions undergone mixing, but they have come to mirror one another, intertwining in such a way that religious figures are paralleled.

The syncretic qualities of Spiritism allow us to gain an understanding of where certain Spiritist values are derived from. Spiritism is oriented around communication with ancestors that often takes place in the form of spirit possession (Bettelheim 314-315, 2005). Interestingly, this core value of Spiritist belief in communication with ancestors is believed to have been a result of syncretization with Native American cultures (Romberg 70,1998). In connection to syncretization, altar construction is considered “fluid, mixing a variety of religious systems and iconographies and inventing new ones” (Bettelheim 314, 2005), hence the inclusion of objects of apparent Christian origin, like Object 3 on Professor Matory’s altar. An element of these altars that is chiefly Spiritist is the horizontal layout as represented by Object 7. As a practitioner becomes more experienced, the altar will become more adorned with objects, often involving portraits of the ancestors who are to be worshipped (Bettelheim 315, 2005). Professor Matory’s altar honors his and his wife’s ancestors, who are rendered present through objects and photos. Continue reading →

Syncretism in Cuban Santeria: The Activation of Obba’s Soup Tureen

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Noah Stommel

Obba Soup Tureen

Santeria Birthday Altar

In a corner dedicated to gender representation in Yoruba religion at the Fleming Museum’s Spirited Things exhibit, alone sits a highly decorative Cuban Santeria soup tureen dedicated to the goddess Obba. As the plaque next to the tureen states, legend has it that this Orisha, the goddess of domestic duty and marriage, was tricked by her co-wife to Shango, the Orisha of thunder, to cut off her ear and serve it to him in a stew to win his affection. The soup tureen as an object of worship therefore seems ironically fitting. From an aesthetic standpoint, the tureen appears to be made out of a shiny ceramic material, and is painted bright pink. Both side handles and the single handle on the lid are embellished with gold paint. Strings of threaded golden beads adorn the tureen’s sides, and on opposing sides, as well as around the top handle, cowrie shells are glued to form stars. At the center of the opposing stars lie even more threaded beads.

Cuban Santeria is a religion syncretized between Catholicism brought to Cuba by Spanish colonists, and African-diasporic religion, introduced to the island through the African slave trade (Clark 2001, 21-22). The use of the soup tureen in Santeria has adapted from its origins in West Africa due to the influence of this religious syncretism, which is the fusing of religions to form a new one (Johnson 2016, 760-761). However, through further examination of this tureen, it becomes apparent to me that its use is more so influenced by Yoruba-derived practices than by Catholicism.

The Catholic and Yoruba influences that both play at shaping this object’s purpose and activation methods was part of what captured my interest in this object. I believe that due to cultural mixing on the island of Cuba, there is much to be understood about the true purpose and meaning behind such a soup tureen. Aside from the tureen’s beauty, its lack of ritualistic context in the museum drew me in further. Obba’s tureen was placed closely to the Santeria birthday altar (also pictured), which, as the museum plaque indicates, includes several soup tureens or “soperas” richly decorated with objects made to invoke the presence of other Orisha, or gods, in Yoruba religion. Crucial factors of this altar are varying elevations of the soperas as well as color and the use of other objects with symbolic meaning. Obba’s tureen had a contrasting lack of context. Simply sitting in a display case, I wanted to learn more about the potential for forces to be activated within it, stimulating the presence of Obba, and fulfilling its use as a ritualistic object. In my essay, I will first explain the origins of such an object as seen in West Africa, the homeland of Yoruba religion. Then I will go into depth on how Yoruba religion has combined Catholic traditions to form the practices we see in relation to this object in Cuban Santeria today. Ultimately, I hope to prove that although Catholicism does play a role in Santeria, Yoruba religion continues to be the chief influence in Santeria and the use of that religion’s divining objects.

On their forced journey across the Atlantic, Yoruba people encountered a huge change in setting that required their religion to adapt. This adaptation meant that although much of the basis of the religion stayed the same, certain rituals had to be altered to better fit their new environments. This theory applies to Obba’s soup tureen, not just with the exterior aesthetic, but also with what lies within; consecrated shells or stones “fed” animal blood and herbs (Martin & Luis 2012, 164). The significance of these stones is that they “represent the living presence of the Orisha on the Santeria altar. Like the consecrated host that Catholic doctrine deems the actual body of Christ, these ‘stones’ are the Orisha” (Clark 2001, 37). This parallel seen between Santeria and Catholicism is a prime example of European influence in Cuba. However, while we see Catholicism affecting the contents of the tureen, the overall purpose and idea of spirit activation associated with such an object is still largely a product of Yoruba religion (Bascom 1950, 66-67). In fact, practitioners of Yoruba religion use containers and vessels in their faith as symbols of generosity, respect, and honor to the Orisha (Thompson 1983, 13). Furthermore, it is important to note the orientation of Santeria around African-inspired Orisha (Bascom 1950, 64), and not one central Christian God. The fact that Yoruba customs live on in Santeria, despite competing Catholic contribution, indicates the preservation of native African culture.

Further important to Santeria rituals are palm nuts, cowrie shells, and water. This can therefore account for aspects of the decorum present on the outside of the tureen. These elemental factors, in combination with herbs, blood, and stones breathe a life force, known to Yoruba practitioners as “Ase,” into the tureen, which is necessary both for life and for performing religious rituals (Brown 79). A byproduct of Yoruba religion seen in Santeria is the requirement of Orisha to manifest themselves on Earth in containers or vessels, where they can reside. Human bodies and drums can also serve as a vessel for Orisha habitation (Murphy 2012, 79-80). The color aesthetics of the Orisha’s containers is also highly meaningful in Santeria.

The color scheme of Obba’s soup tureen is explained as being highly dependent on the individual beliefs that Santeria practitioners have on the color preferences of the Orisha themselves. One practitioner explained that for her, “Obba wears yellow and white beads for no other reason than ‘that’s the way I received it’” (Brown 1996, 99). Granted that there are some guidelines to color representation of the Orisha, this is a mentality held greatly by Yoruba practitioners, for whom there is not a particularly dictating religious code of worship that must be followed (Brown 1996, 100). Of course, Christianity also allows for a level of interpretation of religion among its followers, so while the colors representative of Obba are heavily influenced by Yoruba, the basis of individual interpretation could find itself in either religion.

A highly possible explanation for syncretic imbalances associated with Obba’s tureen is that throughout the colonial era, there were many instances of Santeria being oppressed by the dominant European society. This theme is seen “everywhere across the early black Americas [because] covert altars encoded the richness of sacred memory to unite servitors in sustaining faiths” (Thompson 1993, 21). By veiling one’s African-derived religious practices behind a Catholic pretense, Santeria worshippers were able to preserve their rituals and beliefs, even while under the watchful eyes of the Catholic Church.

Some scholars on African-diasporic religions argue that there is a scholarly bias in classifying Santeria as a byproduct of Catholic syncretism. They state that “the origin of this religion is in the forests of the country previously called Yorubaland, better known today as Nigeria. From there comes what we today know as Santeria” (Fardon 1995, 83). Adding to this belief is the fact that “Spanish law insisted that slaves be baptized as Roman Catholics as a condition of their legal entry into the Indies” (Murphy 1988, 27). The forceful integration of Yoruba people in a Catholic-dominated society, although influential on the resultant Santeria, would not have created the desire to assume the practices and values held by oppressors. It is more plausible to argue that “Caribbean religions such as Santeria… are often cited as examples of syncretism because the religions involved have such different histories and because the historical materials about them are relatively recent and full” (Murphy 1988, 120). There is no avoiding the fact that Catholicism and Yoruba religion mixed to produce Santeria, but it is reasonable to suggest that given the belief systems held by a vast majority of those enslaved in Cuba, an emphasis on Yoruba religion was preserved in the island’s Afro-Caribbean culture.

As I came to learn through my research of Obba’s tureen, there is a definite degree to which syncretism of Catholicism and Yoruba religion has had on the overall use of the Obba’s tureen, as well as Santeria itself. However, I would assert that there is still more of a Yoruba emphasis in the aesthetics of Santeria soperas, an essential counterpart of the greater religion. Through information provided on how Yoruba beliefs maintained a tight grip over incoming slaves transported from Africa, and how European-enforced Catholicism influenced Santeria practice, the predominant influences on modern usage of Obba’s soup tureen have become clearer. This syncretized religion shows its true colors in both the objects that it so highly regards in worshipping the Orisha, and in aspects of the theological belief system. I believe that this trend of religious mixture makes itself apparent not only in Santeria, but in all other New World African religions, or on a larger scale, any religion whose followers have undergone voluntary or forced cultural coalescence.

Now that I have come to understand the context of the animation and aesthetics of the tureen, I am more interested than ever to witness the process of stone consecration and the subsequent activation of Obba. When first viewing this object, my interest was sparked by its placement in the museum, relatively isolated from others that serve a similar purpose. I believe that this therefore served as a basis to learn more about other objects of its like, and the human history that has forced its adaptation.

 

Bibliography

Bascom, William R. “The Focus of Cuban Santeria.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 6, no. 1 (1950): 64-68.

Brown, David H. “Toward an Ethnoaesthetics of Santeria Ritual Art: The Practice of Altar-Making and Gift Exchange.” Santeria Aesthetics in Contemporary Latin American Art (1996).

Clark, Mary A. “”¡No Hay Ningún Santo Aqui!” (There Are No Saints Here!): Symbolic Language Within Santeria.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 69, no. 1 (2001): 21-41.

Duke University . “Soup-Tureen Altar Vessel (Sopera) for the Santeria/Ocha Goddess Obba.” Accessed November 5, 2017.

Fardon, Richard, ed. Counterworks: Managing the Diversity of Knowledge. New York: Routledge, 1995.

Johnson, Paul C. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion, edited by Michael Stausberg and Steven Engler, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016.

Jones, Rachel E. “Art Review: ‘Spirited Things: Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic,’  Fleming Museum.” Seven Days, October 4, 2017.

Martin, Oba F., and William Luis. “Palo and Paleros: An Interview With Oba Frank Martin.” Afro-Hispanic Review 31, no. 1 (2012): 159-68.

Murphy, Joseph M. “Chango ‘ta vein’/ Chango has come”: Spiritual Embodiment in the Afro-Cuban Ceremony, Bembé.” Black Music Research Journal 32, no. 1 (2012): 69-94.

Murphy, Joseph M. Santeria: An African Religion in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988.

Thompson, Robert F. Flash of the Spirit: African & Afro-American Art & Philosophy.   New York: Random House, Inc., 1983.

Thompson, Robert F. “Overture: The Concept “Altar”.” Face of the Gods: Art and Altars of Africa and the African Americas (1993).

 

 

Syncretism in Cuban Santeria: The Activation of Obba’s Soup Tureen

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Noah Stommel

In a corner dedicated to gender representation in Yoruba religion at the Fleming Museum’s Spirited Things exhibit, alone sits a highly decorative Cuban Santeria soup tureen dedicated to the goddess Obba. Legend has it that this Orisha, the goddess of domestic duty and marriage, was tricked by her co-wife to Shango, the Orisha of thunder, to cut off her ear and serve it to him in a stew to win his affection (De La Torre 2004, 83). The soup tureen as an object of worship therefore seems ironically fitting. From an aesthetic standpoint, the tureen appears to be made out of a shiny ceramic material, and is painted bright pink. Both side handles and the single handle on the lid are embellished with gold paint. All around the tureen, strings of threaded golden beads adorn the sides. On opposing sides, as well as around the top handle, there are stars formed from cowrie shells. At the center of the stars on the side lie even more threaded beads.

Cuban Santeria is a religion syncretized between Catholicism brought to Cuba by Spanish colonists, and African-diasporic religion, introduced to the island through the African slave trade (Clark 2001, 21-22). The use of the soup tureen in Santeria has adapted from its origins in West Africa due to the influence of this religious syncretism, which is the fusing of religions to form a new one. However, through further examination of this tureen, it becomes apparent that its use is more so influenced by Yoruba-derived practices than by Catholicism.

The Catholic and Yoruba influences that both play at shaping this object’s purpose and activation methods was what fully captured my interest in this object. I believe that due to cultural mixing on the island of Cuba, there is much to be understood about the true purpose and meaning behind such a soup tureen. The fact that this artifact was standing alone in the museum drew me in further. Obba’s tureen was placed closely to the Santeria birthday altar, which includes several soup tureens or “soperas” richly decorated with objects that invoke the presence of other Orishas, or goddesses in Yoruba religion. Crucial factors of this altar are elevation of the soperas as well as color and the use of other objects with symbolic meaning. Obba’s tureen had a contrasting lack of context. Simply sitting in a display case, I wanted to learn more about the potential for forces to be activated within it, stimulating the presence of Obba, and fulfilling its use as a ritualistic object. In my essay, I will first explain the origins of such an object as seen in West Africa, the homeland of Yoruba religion. Then I will go into depth on how Yoruba religion has combined Catholic traditions to form the practices we see in relation to this object in Cuban Santeria today. Ultimately, I hope to prove that although Catholicism does play a role in Santeria, Yoruba continues to play the chief role in the religion and the use of its religious objects.

On their forced journey across the Atlantic, Yoruba people encountered a huge change in setting that required their religion to adapt. This adaptation meant that although much of the basis of the religion stayed the same, certain rituals had to be altered to better fit the new environment. This theory applies to Obba’s soup tureen, not just with the exterior aesthetic, but also with what lies within; consecrated shells or stones. The tureen’s Yoruba counterpart, known as the “nganga,” is a type of cauldron, much larger than Obba’s tureen, in which a consecrated stone is placed (Martin & Luis 2012 161-164). While both tureens (or soperas) and ngangas contain stones, they differ in that ngangas may also contain animals, sticks, and dirt, while tureens will, in addition to the stones, contain herbs and animal blood (Martin & Luis 2012, 164). This parallel seen between Santeria and Catholicism is a prime example of European influence in Cuba. The significance of these stones is that they “represent the living presence of the Orisha on the Santeria altar. Like the consecrated host that Catholic doctrine deems the actual body of Christ, these ‘stones’ are the Orisha” (Clark 2001, 37). However, while we see Catholicism showing its influence over the contents of the tureen, the overall purpose and idea of spirit activation associated with such an object is still largely a product of Yoruba religion (Bascom 1950, 66-67). Furthermore, it is important to note the orientation of Santeria around African-inspired Orisha (Bascom 1950, 64), and not one central Christian God. The fact that Yoruba customs live on in Santeria, despite competing Catholic contribution, indicates the preservation of native African culture.

Further important to Santeria are palm nuts, cowrie shells, and water. This can therefore account for aspects of the decorum present on the outside of the tureen. These elemental factors, in combination with herbs, blood, and stones breathe a life force, known to Yoruba practitioners as “Ase,” into the tureen, which is necessary both for life and for performing religious rituals (Brown 79). Allowing an Orisha to manifest itself on Earth requires a container, or vessel, in which it can reside. Human bodies and drums can also serve as a vessel for Orisha habitation (“Chango ‘ta vein’” 2012, 79-80). Given the relevance of food to activating the presence of Orisha, soup tureens seem a rather appropriate object.

The color scheme of Obba’s soup tureen is explained as being highly dependent on the individual beliefs that Santeria practitioners have on the color preferences of the Orishas themselves. One practitioner explained that for her, “Obba wears yellow and white beads for no other reason that ‘that’s the way I received it’” (Brown 1996, 99). Granted that there are some guidelines to color representation of the Orisha, this is a mentality held greatly by Yoruba practitioners, for whom there is not a particularly dictating religious code of worship that must be followed (Brown 1996, 100), as is in the case of religions such as Christianity.

Another explanation for why there may be discrepancies and similarities in Yoruba and Catholic rituals associated with Obba’s tureen is that throughout the colonial era, there were many instances of Santeria being oppressed by the dominant European society. This theme is seen “everywhere across the early black Americas [because] covert altars encoded the richness of sacred memory to unite servitors in sustaining faiths” (Thompson 1993, 21). By veiling one’s religious practices behind a Catholic pretense, Santeria worshippers were able to preserve their rituals and beliefs, even while under the watchful eyes of the Catholic Church.

Some scholars on African-diasporic religions argue that there is a scholarly bias for classifying Santeria as a byproduct of Catholic syncretism. They state that “the origin of this religion is in the forests of the country previously called Yorubaland, better known today as Nigeria. From there comes what we today know as Santeria” (Fardon 1995, 83). Adding to this belief is the fact that “Spanish law insisted that slaves be baptized as Roman Catholics as a condition of their legal entry into the Indies” (Santeria 1988, 27). The forceful integration of Yoruba people in a Catholic-dominated society, although influential on the resultant Santeria, would not have created the desire to assume the practices and values held by oppressors. It is more plausible to argue that “Caribbean religions such as Santeria… are often cited as examples of syncretism because the religions involved have such different histories and because the historical materials about them are relatively recent and full” (Santeria 1988, 120). There is no avoiding the fact that Catholicism and Yoruba religion mixed to produce Santeria, but it is reasonable to suggest that given the belief systems held by a vast majority of those enslaved in Cuba, an emphasis on Yoruba religion was preserved in the island’s Afro-Caribbean culture.

As I came to learn through my research of Obba’s tureen, there is a definite degree to which syncretism of Catholicism and Yoruba religion has had on the overall use of the object, as well as Santeria itself. However, I would assert that there is still more of a Yoruba emphasis in the aesthetics of religious objects, an essential counterpart of the greater religion. Through information provided on how Yoruba beliefs maintained a tight grip over incoming slaves transported from Africa, and how European-enforced Catholicism influenced Santeria practice, the predominant influences on modern usage of Obba’s soup tureen have become clearer. This syncretized religion shows its true colors in both the objects that it so highly regards in worshipping Orishas, and in aspects of the theological belief system. I believe that this trend of hybridity makes itself apparent not only in Santeria, but in all other New World African religions, or on a larger scale, any religion whose followers have undergone voluntary or forced cultural coalescence.

Now that I have come to understand the context of the animation and aesthetics of the tureen, I am more interested than ever to witness the process of stone consecration and the subsequent activation of Obba. When first viewing this object, my interest was sparked by its placement in the museum, relatively isolated from others that serve a similar purpose. I believe that this therefore served as a basis to learn more about other objects of its like, and the human history that has forced its adaptation.

Bibliography

Bascom, William R. “The Focus of Cuban Santeria.” Southwestern Journal of  Anthropology 6, no. 1 (1950): 64-68.

Brown, David H. “Toward an Ethnoaesthetics of Santeria Ritual Art: The Practice of Altar-Making and Gift Exchange.” Santeria Aesthetics in Contemporary Latin American Art (1996).

Clark, Mary A. “”¡No Hay Ningún Santo Aqui!” (There Are No Saints Here!): Symbolic Language Within Santeria.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 69, no. 1 (2001): 21-41.

De La Torre, Miguel A. Santeria: The Beliefs and Rituals of a Growing Religion in      America. Grand Rapids & Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing       Company, 2004.

Fardon, Richard, ed. Counterworks: Managing the Diversity of Knowledge. New York: Routledge, 1995.

Martin, Oba F., and William Luis. “Palo and Paleros: An Interview With Oba Frank Martin.” Afro-Hispanic Review 31, no. 1 (2012): 159-68.

Murphy, Joseph M. “Chango ‘ta vein’/ Chango has come”: Spiritual Embodiment in the     Afro-Cuban Ceremony, Bembé.” Black Music Research Journal 32, no. 1 (2012): 69-94.

Murphy, Joseph M. Santeria: An African Religion in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988.

Thompson, Robert F. “Overture: The Concept “Altar”.” Face of the Gods: Art and Altars of Africa and the African Americas (1993).

 

 

Coming to Terms With Adversity: The Value of Theodicy in Haiti

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Noah Stommel

On Wednesday evening, Donald J. Cosentino spoke at the Fleming Museum in a lecture titled “Why Did Gede Let This Happen? Catastrophe and Theodicy in 21st Century Haitian Vodou.” I believe he was invited to speak at the exhibit because of his experience writing and teaching on topics associated with African-diasporic religions, particularly Vodou, also commonly known as voodoo. As Professor of Culture and Performace at UCLA, he has written distinctive research articles on Vodou, such as “Vodou Things: The Art of Pierrot Barra and Marie Cassaise” (UCLA African Studies Center). His expertise in the field of Vodou was especially relevant to the Fleming exhibit because of the Haitian Vodou altar that was a key part of it.

One of the most prevalent themes of Cosentino’s lecture was that of theodicy in Vodou and the greater Haitian culture. Since the beginning of its history as a French colony, Haiti has always been plagued by suffering and inequalities. Ever since gaining independence of brutal slavery in 1804, Haiti has been the setting of endless catastrophe, most recently in the form of the 2010 earthquake that killed an estimated 250,000 people, followed by a subsequent cholera epidemic. Other social and ecological disasters, such as riots, hurricanes, and devastating flooding have desolated the island nation. Theodicy’s relevance is seen in that despite the destitution of Haiti, Haitians still find it within themselves to praise God, uttering a saying translating to “God is good”. Cosentino explained throughout his lecture how Haitian tradition explains the absence of God in its times of desperation, and how Haitians come to terms with their misfortune through spiritual understanding.

Haiti is an interesting place, Cosentino explained, due to the heavy mixing of religious values. He described Haitian religious demographics as being 80% Catholic, 20% Protestant, and 100% Vodou. Christian saints, brought to Haiti by French colonists, have evolved into Vodou spirits, otherwise known as Lwa. This pertains to topics we discussed in class such as that of creolization, which “has most often referred to cultures formed through and in colonial situations blending, for example, European languages and practices with … African ones” (Johnson 759). The concept of creolization gives me a stronger understanding of how Haitian Vodou incorporates themes in its religion closely pertaining to those of Christianity. These Lwa who embody Christian saints, and notably Gede, the manifestation of those who died in the Middle Passage during the slave trade, are highly relevant when discussing the commonplace suffering that strikes Haiti.

Cosentino discussed Gede’s role in Haiti’s devastating earthquake of 2010. According to Cosentino, Haitians believe that Gede himself was afraid of the earthquake and fled the Earth. As the spirit of the dead, he only returned once most of the victims had been hastily buried. In a place so influenced by death and destruction, religious practitioners emphasize

“the key role of the community in the interpretation and application of the wisdom of the spirits. Thus, the public airing of community problems and issues… is a means of … mobilizing the assistance of the community, and mending broken relationships. It is, in short, a way of healing” (McCarthy Brown 14).

I have come to understand that Haitian Vodou practitioners do not make excuses for the absence of the Lwa in their struggles, but rather find meaning for their absence through religious values and community acceptance. Cosentino brought to my attention the value of Haitian art in this way of thinking as well. What Cosentino called “the art of desperation” helps Haitians to embrace adversity from a philosophical standpoint, and also to understand the role of the Lwa in their lives. I learned from Cosentino that this art, which the religion has become known for (although not for necessarily appropriate reasons), is heavily influential not only in religious life, but the daily lives of people engulfed by tumult on the island.

I also noticed how Cosentino compared the explanation for the absence of Gede during the earthquake to the absence of God in other catastrophes, such as the Holocaust. Now that I think of it, I would be interested in asking Cosentino what other parallels he can draw between Vodou and greater Haitian culture to other events in our world. This would be a valuable question because I think all religions try to attribute events on Earth to actions or lack thereof of higher beings.

 

 

Bibliography

Johnson, Paul C. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion, edited by Michael Stausberg and Steve Engler, 759. Oxford: Oxford           University Press, 2016.

McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Afro-Caribbean Spirituality: A Haitian Case Study.” In Vodou            in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, edited by Claudine Michel and   Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, N.p.: Palgrave Macmillann.d.

University of California Los Angeles African Studies Center. Accessed October 26,           2017. http://www.international.ucla.edu/africa/person/167.

 

 

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Noah Stommel

Catholic Influence on Soup Tureen Bibliography

Bascom, William R. 1950. “The Focus of Cuban Santeria.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. 6, No. 1, 64-68. The University of Chicago Press.

I found this source by searching JSTOR by using the keywords “santeria altar.” Some of the main ideas presented in this article included the discussion of the connection between Santeria and Catholicism. The article went into some depth about a certain level of syncretism that can be seen today between the two religions on the island of Cuba. The article also raised questions of how much Santeria has diverged from its African roots during its presence on the island. Perhaps most importantly, the article stressed the importance of stones in religious practices of Santeria. These consecrated stones have a strong basis in Catholicism, and are also a key principle in the activation of the soup tureen I am studying.

The author seems to stress the importance that Catholicism has in shaping Santeria to its current state, and that this European religion seems to lay at the core of Santeria. Bascom seems to show slight bias in the way he views Santeria more as a form of Catholicism than as a religion evolved from the African Yoruba. He argues that the use of consecrated stones, as well as herbs and blood allow for Santeria people to separate themselves from Catholic influences and form their own religious identity.

De La Torre, Miguel A. Santería: The Beliefs and Rituals of a Growing Religion in America. Grand Rapids & Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2004.

I found this book when skimming shelves in the Santeria section of the library. Initially, I was searching for a different book, but when I got to the library, I noticed the vast array of sources available, and this book caught my eye. One of the main reasons this book was valuable to my research was that it discussed in detail the impacts that Catholicism has had on Santeria throughout the years and how aspects of Santeria can be clearly linked to Christian influence. Because I intend to show the influence of Christianity on this particular soup tureen, this book will guide me in the right direction by giving me important background information on Christian-Santeria interrelationships, if not so much on the tureen itself.

The author’s perspective in this book shows a pretty critical analysis of the ways in which Santeria has been changed and continues to be shaped by forces in Christianity. The author allows us to see how this particular Yoruba-originating religion has distinguished itself from others due to the heavy integration it has undergone with Christianity. Although this Christian influence could be seen as disruptive to the practice of an Orisha religion, the author explains how this has become natural from Santeria practitioners, and that the religion is so unique because of this mixture.

Fardon, Richard, editor. Counterworks: Managin the Diversity of Knowledge. New York, Routledge, 1995.

This book was brought to my attention through my meeting with Patricia Mardeusz. I found this source particularly interesting because it raised arguments that Santería is not at all a product of Catholicism. I think that this book would therefore offer an interesting counterargument to what I am trying to show with my object analysis. In my analysis, I am trying to show how a soup tureen dedicated to the goddess Obba was originally used in Yoruba religion and the differences seen in its uses in Santeria due to the influence of Catholicism. However, this book’s claims would try to dismember my argument altogether, by insisting that Catholicism plays no role whatsoever in the practices of modern Santeria. I think it would be interesting to contrast this book’s arguments with information from other sources that supports my thesis.

Ultimately, Fardon is staking this claim in a small section of his book. This section is dedicated to showing how natives argue against many scholars’ beliefs that Santeria evolved under heavy Catholic influence. As Fardon quotes from a priest of Chango, “this religion is not Catholicism, and it has nothing to do with it. The origin of this religion is in the forests of the country previously called Yorubaland, better known today as Nigeria” (Fardon 83). Fardon is trying to instill an understanding that outside perspectives differ greatly from practitioners of Santeria. While perhaps he himself is not arguing completely for or against the viewpoints of the majority of scholars, he brings up other interesting and necessary opinions on this matter that would ultimately contribute to balancing my argument.

 

 

Research Statement: Soup Tureen Altar for the Goddess Obba

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Noah Stommel

I am studying a soup tureen dedicated to the goddess Obba, wife of the thunder god Shango. This tureen is bright pink and is decorated with beads and cowrie shells in symmetrical patterns. This tureen is intended to symbolize the significance of a legend in which Obba was tricked into cutting off her ear by her co-wife, which she then served to Shango in a stew. Of course, rather than an ear in the tureen, traditional stones and cowrie shells would be placed inside to activate it. I am interested in finding out how this tureen is activated in context by people of Yoruba and Santeria faiths. Answering this question will help readers to understand the importance of key aspects of altar activation in Yoruba-inspired religions, as well as the value of the roles a tureen like this one might play in the lives of a dedicated Yoruba or Santeria practitioner.

Answers to these questions may emerge out of several of the class readings, including “The Yoruba World,” by Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun, which discusses the importance of Ase in activating art forms in Orisha religion. Ase is the life force possessed by every single thing in this world. Ultimately, “existence, according to Yoruba thought is dependent upon it; it is the power to make things happen and change” (Drewal, Pemberton & Abiodun, p. 16). Consequently, Ase has a big influence on the power of art in Orisha religion, as elaborated up in “Ase: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power Through Art,” by Rowland Abiodun. Specifically related to my object of interest is a reading called “Face of the Gods: The Artists and Their Altars,” by Robert Farris Thompson, which cites an example of tureens symbolizing the presence of multiple orisha, given authority through the placement of stones and within the tureens themselves, similarly to the one in the museum.

In the library, I intend to find further sources to help me find the answer to the question of how this tureen is used by people of Yoruba and Santeria faiths, and how contextualization may influence activation and importance in honoring Obba. One source I intend to consult could be a catalogue of religious artifacts significant to Orisha religions of the Atlantic. Looking through such a catalogue would also give me insight into how similar items may be activated to be of religious significance. Films that investigate first-hand how these items are utilized would also be very valuable in discerning how Yoruba people and their descendants use tureens in their religion. Secondary sources would also be important for conducting research, as they provide an analysis of primary sources that could therefore be helpful for forming ideas. Articles and reviews on films or exhibits are great ways to gather a richer understanding of the items we are trying to learn more about.

Religious Mixture: Christianity’s Overshadowing of Yoruba Religion

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Noah Stommel

After watching the film, Sacred Journeys with Bruce Feiler: “Oṣun-Oṣogbo,” it became apparent that there are many ways in which the religious practices of the Yoruba people of Nigeria have undergone mixing with non-African culture over the centuries. Of course, mixing of Oriṣa religion began on a grand scale with the slave trade, beginning in the 15th century, as part of the larger African diaspora. With the forced immersion of Yoruba people into European-dominated cultures in the New World, Orisa religion obviously faced mixing with Christianity. Through this fusion of Yoruba religion and Christianity, the traditions of African-originating religion were often obscured and oppressed by that of domineering Europeans.

The piece “Overture: The Concept ‘Altar,’” by Robert Farris Thompson, showed how African practitioners of Oriṣa religions were disallowed by Europeans to continue their rituals. According to legend, Cuban police on one occasion “confronted four men calmly seated with Panama hats in their hands. Other men were standing. Two European dolls, apparently for children, reclined against a wall. The police could do nothing. There were no ‘pagan instruments’ for them to seize and take away, no signs of a black religion for them to persecute, as they were wont to do in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries” (Overture: The Concept ‘Altar’, page 21). As soon as the police left, the objects seemingly strewn around resumed their purpose in a ritual religious practice. The hats became drums, and the dolls became used again as spiritual icons. This example demonstrates aspects of transculturation, in which the process of integrating into the New World called for the adaptations of the Yoruba people’s religious practices.

It was also mentioned in Sacred Journeys that certain Catholic saints have parallel figures of significance in Yoruba culture. Certain valued religious aspects infused into Oriṣa religion from Christianity clearly shows the syncretization, or simply the combination, of Old and New World religion that has taken place over the centuries. As elaborated upon in the film, slave traders did not destroy the Yoruba religion, but rather transplanted it into other corners of the world, allowing it to grow on its own, which ultimately resulted in these hybridized beliefs and practices, with Christianity especially, that we see today.

The film also highlighted the fact that there is mixing of Oriṣa religion not just in the New World, but also still in parts of Nigeria, where Islam and Christianity clash with traditional Yoruba culture. The film mentions the fact that the presence of more globalized religion in Nigeria is threatening traditional Oriṣa practices. The public is inundated with religious propaganda that argues the benefits of converting to Christianity. The youth of Nigeria are even proselytized in school, where mainstream Christianity tries to drown out the reverence for Oriṣa.

Ultimately, this film broadened my insights into how Oriṣa religion continues to be influenced by other religions, chiefly Christianity, on both sides of the Atlantic, and how, despite the fact that Christianity exists in force both in the New World and the Old, the Oriṣa-oriented culture can be affected differently. Perhaps most importantly, this film helped to further my understanding of the resiliency of Yoruba culture throughout the recent centuries, and the lasting significance that preserved practices still have on people of all corners of the world touched by West-African influence.