Author Archives: wkowalch

Candomble Lecture Review

I was in attendance when Doctor Paul Johnson of University of Michigan Anne Arbor’s Department of African Studies gave a lecture on the twenty-eighth of November at UVM.  At his lecture, Dr. Johnson spoke of the African Diaspora and Candomble and Spiritism in particular.  Candomble is popular in Brazil, as it is a center for African diasporic religions.  As Portuguese Catholic traditions mixed with African traditions, new, hybrid religions were created.

One of the most obvious examples of the mixture of Catholicism and African religions is the qualities of Candomble spirits are shared between Catholic saints and African Orishas.  Many of the religious figures of Candomble are closely tied with a Catholic counterpart.  While practice of Candomble was banned in Brazil for many years, the religion had a following which steadily increased.  Catholicism was the dominant religion, and often Candomble practitioners would use the guise of Catholicism to disguise their non-Catholic traditions.

Spiritism shares some of the physical territory as Candomble, but is different from it in many ways.  The interpretations of various Orisha is very different between Spiritism and Candomble.  For example, in Candomble, Esu is often tied to the Catholic devil because of his ability to do harm.  This darker interpretation of orisha often makes the difference between Spiritism and Candomble quite clear.

Dr. Johnson was an excellent speaker, and his prose and style made the lecture interesting and worthwhile.  Dr. Johnson seems to be authoritative on the subject, and would be a good source of information on Candomble, Spiritism, or any other Diasporic religion. 

Analysis of Esu based on Votary Sculpture

One of the most striking pieces displayed at the Spirited Things: Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic exhibit is the statue of Esu found at the front of the exhibition.  A picture of the object is found at the bottom of this essay.  The sculpture is carved from wood, measures twenty-two inches tall, and rests on a circular base with a diameter of about ten inches. Esu, known to many as the messenger orisha, is depicted on horseback, surrounded by ritual assistants. The figures surrounding Esu are far less intricate than the orisha himself, who is flush with detail and variety.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the details of this representation of Esu, provide analysis of the individual components of the statue, compare this Esu to other representations of the orisha, and to examine how Esu corresponds with the African Diaspora. The significance of Esu’s position, possessions, and ritual assistants will be examined. Another focus of this essay will be the physical depiction of Esu and its deeper meanings.

Esu is one of the most important of the Yoruba orishas. He is not, as previously thought, only associated with decisions and not a part of daily human life. On the contrary, “Almost every traditional household, clan or village, every devotee (irrespective of the cult to which he or she belongs) has the symbol and worship of Esu,” (Awolalu 29).

It is through Esu that people can contact and request assistance from the other orishas. Esu carries messages between the orishas and humans. However, Esu is often referred to as a malevolent trickster. Esu sometimes carries messages to their destination, but sometimes willfully forgets them or takes them to the wrong destination. When this occurs, havoc is wreaked in the mortal world. Esu is not a fool or an easily duped trickster, but a powerful orisha who commands respect and has harsh consequences for those who fail to show it (Ogundipe 193). Esu must be appeased or he is more likely to be unreliable in his messenger duties.

At this point, it is important to stress that Esu is not an evil, malevolent, or harmful orisha in Yoruba religion. Esu has often been misinterpreted as the devil by outsiders, or being a purely evil being. “He tempts people, but that does not mean that he is against the human race or will do only harm,” (Awolalu 28). According to Awolalu, it is easier to imagine Esu as a powerful deity that can help or harm. When treated with respect and reverence, Esu often assists mortals in their tasks, but, if offended, Esu can cause volumes of trouble in the mortal world.

However, in Brazilian Candomble, Esu has a slightly darker role. While portrayal of Esu as the devil by missionaries was strongly rejected in Yorubaland, the narrative was more in line in Brazil, keeping in tradition with syncretizing orisha with Catholic figures (Ogundipe 213). While not wholeheartedly evil, followers of Candomble accepted that Esu runs both malevolent and benevolent errands, and therefore has a dark side. Another intriguing Brazilian twist on Yoruba belief is that Esu is sometimes referred to as a slave, as he runs errands for mortals for little compensation (Ogundipe 214). While powerful, the reverence and respect for Esu does not appear to be as high in Candomble as compared to Yoruba.

Esu is also the lord of the crossroads, beginnings, and endings. When a person faces a crossroads or difficult decision, Esu is present and guides travelers. However, he may lead them down the wrong path. The duality found in Esu’s nature (he can either help or harm) is reflected in physical depictions of Esu. Esu is often depicted with a protrusion from the rear of his head, ranging from a small protrusion to more phallic depictions (Ogundipe 157). In this sculpture, the artist chose to create a serpent emerging from the rear of Esu’s skull. The serpent has its own face, and is devouring a helpless animal. This brutal depiction contrasts to a benevolent humanoid Esu portrayed on the other side. The contrast between the two sides of Esu’s head signifies that Esu can be helpful and resourceful, or can be cruel and damning. The power and might Esu has is exaggerated within this depiction.

The details of this Esu shed significant insight into what the creator believed about the orisha. Esu is mounted on a horse, and, although now missing, probably carried a flywhisk in his right hand. Both the horse and the flywhisk signify royalty and military prowess. That Esu is depicted in this manner is indicative that he was highly revered among followers of Yoruba. The attendants following Esu are depictions of devout followers, who in real life would be special priests and priestesses dedicated to Esu. These attendants carry various medicinal herbs and other ritual items. Esu’s mounted position and close-at-hand devotees symbolize his power, might, and royalty. In many depictions, Esu is portrayed with long hair, uncommon among Yoruba people except for the powerful and royalty (Ogundipe 171). In most portrayals of Esu, it is clear that he is highly respected and revered.

One of the most interesting aspects of this depiction of Esu is the humanoid face. This wooden Esu has facial scars why typify a specific people foreign to Yorubaland. Esu is also depicted with a beard typical of the Hausa People. The Hausa are a Muslim ethnic group native to northern Africa. However, to the Yoruba, the Hausa are a foreign population. Why would a Yoruba depiction of Esu cast him as a foreigner instead of a native? The conventional dialogue would have Esu depicted as a native and the Yoruba a descendant.

In my research I discovered that it is common for not just Esu but all orisha to be depicted a hailing from a foreign land. The Yoruba had great respect for their foreign neighbors. Depicting their gods with characteristics typical of their neighbors is a clear-cut example for the love and respect the Yoruba showed to foreigners. This depiction of Esu is therefore helpful in establishing that the Yoruba were kind to neighbors. Upon further examination, this claim is reinforced by evidence showing Yoruba respect for trans-local persons (Awolalu 186).

Unlike many other religions, Yoruba and most diasporic religions are very welcoming of foreign persons and concepts. Diasporic religions often incorporate symbols, signs, and powers from other religions such as Christianity into their practice. In some cases, this was just an easy way to refresh old concepts. In others, followers were able to worship their religion inconspicuously where it was not tolerated. Examples of rephrasing Yoruba doctrine into Christian terms include Santeria using Our Lady of Charity and Cobre as a representation of the orisha Oshun. This flexibility and hybridity were essential to the life and proliferation of many diasporic religions as native Africans expanded across the globe.

This statue of Esu would be used to adorn an indoor shrine. It would be at sacred processions for a specific orisha. It would carry messages from worshippers to the orisha which they hope to communicate with, and would send messages from the spirit world to the mortal one. This statue would appeal for an orisha’s benevolent intervention in the mortal world. Its important duties make this sculpture an essential part of an altar.

The two-foot wooden sculpture of Esu found in the Spirited Things exhibit is rife with intricate detail and symbolic meaning. Every part of Esu’s depiction has deeper meaning than face value. Esu’s prominent position, his follower’s worships, his facial depiction, and his serpent protrusion all have significant meaning and help to establish what the Yoruba people thought and believed in relating to Esu.

Bibliography:
Falola, Toyin. Èṣù : Yoruba God, Power, and the Imaginative Frontiers / Edited by Toyin Falola. Carolina Academic Press African World Series. 2013. pp.18-20

Ogundipe, Ayodele. Esu Elegbara, the Yoruba God of Chance and Uncertainty : A Study in Yoruba Mythology / by Ayodele Ogundipe. 1978, 1978. pp.151-220.

Awolalu, Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. 1979, 1979. pp. 28-186

Votary Esu Rough Analysis

One of the most striking pieces displayed at the Spirited Things: Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic is the statue of Esu found at the front of the exhibition. A picture of the statue can be found at the bottom of this post, courtesy of the Sacred Arts website. The sculpture is carved from wood, measures twenty-two inches tall, and rests on a circular base with a diameter of about ten inches. Esu, the trickster orisha, is depicted on horseback, surrounded by ritual assistants. The figures surrounding Esu are far less intricate than the orisha himself, who is flush with detail and variety.
The purpose of this essay is to examine the details of this representation of Esu, provide analysis of the individual components of the statue, compare this Esu to other representations of the orisha, and to examine how this Esu corresponds with the African Diaspora. The significance of Esu’s position, possessions, and ritual assistants will be examined. Another focus of this essay will be the physical depiction of Esu and its deeper meanings.
Esu is one of the most important of the Yoruba orishas. He is not, as previously thought, only associated with decisions and not a part of daily human life. On the contrary, “Almost every traditional household, clan or village, every devotee (irrespective of the cult to which he or she belongs) has the symbol and worship of Esu,” (Awolalu 29).
It is through Esu that people can contact and request assistance from the other orishas. Esu, a messenger, carries messages between the orishas and humans. However, Esu is a malevolent trickster. Esu sometimes carries messages to their destination, but sometimes willfully forgets them or takes them to the wrong destination. When this occurs, havoc is wreaked in the mortal world. Esu is not a fool or an easily duped trickster, but a powerful orisha who commands respect and has harsh consequences for those who fail to show it (Ogundipe 193). Esu must be appeased or he is more likely to be unreliable in his messenger duties.
At this point, it is important to stress that Esu is not an evil, malevolent, or harmful orisha. Esu has often been misinterpreted as the devil, or being a purely evil being. “He tempts people, but that does not mean that he is against the human race or will do only harm,” (Awolalu 28).
Esu is also the lord of the crossroads, beginnings, and endings. When a person faces a crossroads or difficult decision, Esu is present and guides travelers. However, he may lead them down the wrong path. The duality found in Esu’s nature (he can either help or harm) is reflected in physical depictions of Esu. Esu is often depicted with a protrusion from the rear of his head, ranging from a serpent (as used in this stature) to more phallic depictions (Ogundipe 157).
Esu is a connection between Yoruba and Western religion. Janus, the Roman god, has a role similar to Esu. Janus is the god of gateways, beginnings and endings, and crossroads, a very similar description of Esu’s duties, minus the messaging. Janus is depicted as having two faces, representing his duality. Esu and his two-headed depictions very similarly represent duality. Depictions of both gods have influenced the other’s depiction since their creation. The meaning and representation of both gods have influenced diasporic religions that have blossomed from Yoruba.
The details of this depiction of Esu shed significant insight into what the creator believed about the orisha. Esu is mounted on a horse, and, although now missing, probably carried a flywhisk in his right hand. Both the horse and the flywhisk signify royalty and military prowess. That Esu is depicted in this manner is indicative that Esu was highly revered among followers of Yoruba. The attendants following Esu are depictions of devout followers, who in real life would be special priests and priestesses dedicated to Esu. These attendants carry various medicinal herbs and other ritual items. Esu’s mounted position and close-at-hand devotees symbolize his power, might, and royalty. In many depictions, Esu is portrayed with long hair, uncommon among Yoruba people except for the powerful and royalty (Ogundipe 171). In most portrayals of Esu, it is clear that he is highly respected and revered.
Esu is often depicted with a protrusion from his head, signifying his duality. In this sculpture, the artist chose to create a serpent emerging from the rear of Esu’s skull. The serpent has its own face, and is devouring a helpless animal. This brutal depiction contrasts to a benevolent humanoid Esu portrayed on the other side. The contrast between the two sides of Esu’s head signifies that Esu can be helpful and resourceful, or can be cruel and damning. The power and might Esu has is exaggerated within this depiction.
One of the most interesting aspects of this depiction of Esu is the humanoid face. This wooden Esu has facial scars why typify a specific people foreign to Yorubaland. Esu is also depicted with a beard typical of the Hausa People. The Hausa mjare a Muslim ethnic group native to northern Africa. However, to the Yoruba, the Hausa are a foreign population. Why would a Yoruba depiction of Esu cast him as a foreigner instead of a native? The conventional dialogue would have Esu depicted as a native and the Yoruba a descendant.
In my research I discovered that it is common for not just Esu but all orisha to be depicted a hailing from a foreign land. The Yoruba had great respect for their foreign neighbors. Depicting their gods with characteristics typical of their neighbors is a clear-cut example for the love and respect the Yoruba showed to foreigners. This depiction of Esu is therefore helpful in establishing that the Yoruba were kind to neighbors. Upon further examination, this claim is reinforced by evidence showing Yoruba respect for trans-local persons.
Unlike many other religions, Yoruba and most diasporic religions are very welcoming of foreign persons and concepts. Diasporic religions often incorporate symbols, signs, and powers from other religions such as Christianity into their practice. In some cases, this was just an easy way to refresh old concepts. In others, followers were able to worship their religion inconspicuously where it was not tolerated. Examples of rephrasing Yoruba doctrine into Christian terms include Santeria using Our Lady of Charity and Cobre as a representation of the orisha Oshun. This flexibility and hybridity were essential to the life and proliferation of many diasporic religions as native Africans expanded across the globe.
This statue of Esu would be used to adorn an indoor shrine. It would be at sacred processions for a specific orisha. It would carry messages from worshippers to the orisha which they hope to communicate with, and would send messages from the spirit world to the mortal one. This statue would appeal for an orisha’s benevolent intervention in the mortal world. Its important duties make this sculpture an essential part of an altar.
The two-foot wooden sculpture of Esu found in the Spirited Things exhibit is rife with intricate detail and symbolic meaning. Every part of Esu’s depiction has deeper meaning than face value. Esu’s prominent position, his follower’s worships, his facial depiction, and his serpent protrusion all have significant meaning and help to establish what the Yoruba people thought and believed in relating to Esu.

Bibliography:
Falola, Toyin. Èṣù : Yoruba God, Power, and the Imaginative Frontiers / Edited by Toyin Falola. Carolina Academic Press African World Series. 2013. pp.18-20

Ogundipe, Ayodele. Esu Elegbara, the Yoruba God of Chance and Uncertainty : A Study in Yoruba Mythology / by Ayodele Ogundipe. 1978, 1978. pp.151-193.

Awolalu, Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. 1979, 1979. pp. 28-30

Esu Worship, Ritual, and Depiction Sources

Falola, Toyin. Èṣù : Yoruba God, Power, and the Imaginative Frontiers / Edited by Toyin Falola. Carolina Academic Press African World Series. 2013. pp.18-20

I found this book through the UVM Catquest search database. I was particularly interested in the passages found between pages eighteen and twenty of Falola’s work. Here, the author discusses creative representations of Esu. These representations provide background and reference for the sculpture of Esu I am researching.

Professor Falola is a well respected researcher and author/editor of many works focusing on African religions. His perspective is in line with many of the authors discussed in class. Professor Falola approaches his work not from a religious viewpoint, but a historical one, which is helpful when learning about Yoruba.

Falola, Toyin., and Genova, Ann. Orisa : Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora / Toyin Falola and Ann Genova, Editors. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2005.

I discovered this work through the UVM Catquest search database. I believe the section on historical Orisha worship in Nigeria will be helpful to my research. This section discusses ceremonies and rituals found in Nigerian and Cuban Orisha worship.

Once again I selected a Falola work for my research. Falola’s writing is clear and indiscriminate. It allows the reader to easily comprehend what is being talked about. Once again, Falola’s perspective as an unbiased historian is extremely helpful in understanding subtleties of Esu worship within Yoruba culture.
Ogundipe, Ayodele. Esu Elegbara, the Yoruba God of Chance and Uncertainty : A Study in Yoruba Mythology / by Ayodele Ogundipe. 1978, 1978. pp.89-90

I discovered this book through the UVM Catquest search database. I found that the passages found on pages 89 and 90 of this work to be helpful to my research. Here, the author discusses narratives of Esu. This information is helpful as it provides contextual support to my analysis of the sculpture.

Ayodele Ogundipe provides great insight into the history and practice of Esu worship. The author seems to provide an unbiased depiction of Esu worship. However, the work is from 1978, meaning that it is inevitably dated. Nevertheless, the information contained in this book will be extremely helpful to my research.

Research Statement: Esu Sculpture

I am studying the Votary sculpture for Esu found in the Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic exhibit. The sculpture is carved from wood, stands two feet tall, and features Esu, with a typical Janus-like projection from the rear of his head, riding a horse and surrounded by ritual assistants. I would like to further understand a concept briefly outlined in the sculpture’s description found in exhibit’s website, the concept of Esu and other Orisha being visually depicted as foreigners. This topic will better allow myself and readers to understand some of the blending and hybridity that occurs in Yoruba religion and culture.

Johnson’s “Syncretism and Hybridity” is particularly relevant to my research. In his writing, Johnson notes that, “This [hybridity] has value for students of religion because it reminds us to distinguish the deliberate efforts towards combining parts of various religious traditions from unintentional or unconscious or interpenetration. “Syncretism and Hybridity” and other writings will allow me to better understand and explain the concept of visual depiction of Esu and other Orisha as foreigners.

To aid my research, I will need to utilize several sources. Primary sources I can utilize include other depictions of Esu or other Orisha as hailing from a foreign land or culture. Other useful sources include documents and readings on cultural blending and hybridity. Sources containing detailed descriptions of the construction and meaning of details in an Esu statue, such as the one found on the Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic website, will be extremely helpful in furthering my knowledge on the subject.

Osogbo and Altars: Relations Between Practice of Yoruba and Afro-Atlantic Altars

Robert Thompson talks extensively about his Afro-Atlantic altar concept throughout Face of the Gods, placing importance on material objects, significant locales of worship, and connection with Orishas, or deities. The Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival taking place in Oṣogbo, Nigeria, reflects Thompson’s discussion of the altar concept in many ways. The festival incorporates many traditions into a multiday celebration and worship of Oṣun, one of the most important and powerful of the Yoruba Orishas.
Similar to traditional Afro-Atlantic altars, material objects have a supreme place in the celebration and build up to the festival. Cloth and textiles include elaborate patterns and eloquent designs, with each color corresponding to a different Orisha. Participants in the religious ceremonies of the festival will wear these outfits to symbolize their connection with their related Orisha. Two women from New York are depicted being indoctrinated into the Yoruba faith during the film, Sacred Journeys. Their multiday ceremony takes place both in public and in private, with the transformation occurring after days of seclusion with holy priests and priestesses. Upon indoctrination, the women don elaborate clothing and sacred crowns, which signify their completion of the ceremony. They then make their way to the banks of the Oṣun, where they officially become members of the Yoruba faith. Their intensive indoctrination process allows them to better understand and honor their faith.
Other material objects closely associated with the festival include ceremonial bells. Small and portable, participants will ring these bells to help connect them to the gods while praying. Similar to altars found on both sides of the Atlantic, small sacrifices of food and drink, such as fried foods, gin and cola, are offered to Oṣun.
One of the central components of the festival is the march from Oṣogbo to the Oṣun river, which surrounds a young virgin woman who carries the main sacrifice to the riverbank. The woman’s ceremonial preparation is long and intensive, she is kept sheltered away from the outside world for weeks before the ceremony. The preparation of the young woman is led by the high priestess, who lives in a temple reflecting the sacred grove of the Oṣun river. As Thompson said, “Yoruba building altars thus construct a face/surface/door, a complex threshold for communication with the other world,” (Thompson 30). The high priestess’s home and secluded staging ground for the young woman’s training is rife with symbolic connections to Yoruba faith and to Oṣun. The young woman’s connection to Oṣun is sacred and powerful after this intense ritualistic experience. In the days leading up to the festival, she, along with many other priests and priestesses, make final preparations and prayers, often in hot, crowded rooms in order to closely connect with Oṣun. These rituals, along with the ceremonial bells and intricate fabrics, help Yoruba devotees to bridge the divide between the gods and the mortal world.
In the film, host Bruce Feiler visits a Yoruba priest in order to have his prayer heard. Feiler notes the close, personal relationship induced by the environment of the Priest’s temple. Feiler also comments on the closeness of the sacred objects of the Yoruba religion, in fact, he holds these objects and touches them to his head and chest while making his prayer. This personal, tight-knit atmosphere allows Feiler and other worshippers to better focus on the divine, and connect with the gods so that they may hear their prayers.
The atmosphere of the festival is largely communal and jovial. City residents of Oṣogbo and pilgrims alike partake in a celebration full of food, music, laughter, and dance, culminating in the march down to the river. The festival includes both religious ceremonies and exciting festivities throughout its duration. The main tenets of the festival closely reflect Thompson’s altar concept, placing importance on material objects, communal worship, closeness with the divine, and an opportunity to honor and connect with Oṣun, so that she may hear one’s prayers.

Comparisons Between Thompson’s Altar Concept and Sacred Journey’s

Robert Thompson talks extensively about his altar concept throughout Face of the Gods, placing importance on material objects, significant locales of worship, and connection with Orishas, or deities.  The Osun-Osogbo Festival taking place in Osogbo, Nigeria reflects Thompson’s discussion of the altar concept in many ways.  The festival incorporates many traditions into a multiday celebration and worship of Osun, one of the most important and powerful of the Yoruba Orishas.

Similar to traditional Afro-Atlantic altars, material objects have a supreme place in the celebration and build up to the festival.  Cloth and textiles include elaborate patterns and eloquent designs, with each color corresponding to a different Orisha.  Participants in the religious ceremonies of the festival will wear these outfits to symbolize their connection with their related Orisha.  Two women from New York are depicted being indoctrinated into the Yoruba faith during the film.  Their multiday ceremony takes place both in public and in private, with the transformation occurring after days of seclusion with holy priests and priestesses.  Upon indoctrination, the women don elaborate clothing and sacred crowns, which signify their completion of the ceremony.  They then make their way to the banks of the Osun, where they officially become members of the Yoruba faith.  Their intensive indoctrination process allows them to better understand and honor their faith.

Other material objects closely associated with the festival include ceremonial bells.  Small and portable, participants will ring these bells to help connect them to the gods while praying.  Similar to altars found on both sides of the Atlantic, small sacrifices of food and drink, such as fried foods, gin, and cola, are offered to Osun.

One of the central components of the festival is the march from Osogbo to the Osun river, which surrounds a young virgin woman who carries the main sacrifice to the riverbank.  The woman’s ceremonial preparation is long and intensive, she is kept sheltered away from the outside world for weeks leading to the ceremony.  The preparation of the young woman is led by the high priestess, who live in a temple reflecting the sacred grove of the Osun river.  As Thompson said, “Yoruba building altars thus construct a face/surface/door, a complex threshold for communication with the other world,” (Thompson 30).  The high priestess’s home and secluded staging ground for the young woman’s training is rife with symbolic connection to the Yoruba faith and to Osun.  The young woman’s connection to Osun is sacred and powerful after this intense ritualistic experience.  In the days leading up to the festival, she, along with many other priests and priestesses, make final preparations and prayers, often in hot, crowded rooms in order to closely connect with Osun.  These rituals, along with the ceremonial bells and intricate fabrics, help Yoruba followers to bridge the divide between the gods and the mortal world.

In the film, host Bruce Feiler visits a Yoruba priest in order to have his prayer heard.  Feiler notes the close, personal relationship induced by the environment of the priest’s temple.  Feiler also comments on the closeness of the sacred objects of the Yoruba religion, in fact, he holds these objects and touches them to his head and chest with praying.  This personal, tight-knit atmosphere allows Feiler and other worshippers to better focus on the divine, and connect with the gods so they may hear their prayers.

The atmosphere of the festival is largely communal and jovial.  City residents of Osogbo and pilgrims alike partake in a celebration wrought with food, music, laughter, and dance, culminating in the march down to the river.  The festival includes both religious ceremonies and exciting festivities throughout its duration.  The main tenets of the festival closely reflect Thompson’s altar concept, placing importance on material objects, communal worship, closeness with the divine, and an opportunity to honor and connect with Osun, so that she may hear one’s prayers.