On the first day of class I tried to look at the different religions we were studying holistically. Trying to define every object with its meaning, and trying to match that meaning to the overarching, main idea of the religion. This proved overwhelming and not very useful as there was a depth to the Diaspora that I could not yet comprehend. The class lined up, to a strangely perfect degree, with an anthropology lesson which introduced the concept of ethnography, understanding a culture from the perspective of the culture, not my own. This made sense, I had been looking at the culture from a strict, personal definition of religion. I also wrote down in my notes from that class to strictly pay attention to the interactions people had with their surroundings, as they will tell you more about the culture than looking over the culture with a birds eye view.

As class progressed, I eventually began to adopt this attitude. I tried to put myself into the religion, a person no different than who were in my readings. As Professor Brennan continued to talk about objects and altars, I could then see the importance they played in the religion. The object is an extension, a symbol of something in somebodies life. An object can encompass so much past, present, and future that only the owner of the object could tell you how much it means to them. Objects are deeply personal artifacts that encompass entire pieces of one’s life. We see the surface of what the object is, but not the extent to what it means. Studying the religion from the perspective of those artifacts helped me realize that their was no “main” idea of the religion, but spiritual connection through symbols, something that everyone does daily.

The artifacts owned and worship by Professor J. Lorand Matory held a purpose similar to my own personal playlists or CDS. They held personal meaning, memories, and were with me through new experiences as well. They are how I reflect and how I think many times between the day, and I am constistantly adding on to the collections of music as well. With this being said, objects are kept with care and hopefully passed down through generations, they accumulate meaning and further culminate in a piece of the owner’s soul. Who or what they signify will always be present if the object is present.

The altar on the other hand was trickier to understand, however studying religion from their importance helped me understand they are a catalyst for connection. The altar is a stage that presents the objects in a way which connects someone to spirits. The spacial display and collective importance incorporated into the altar creates a device which fuels connection. However, it is not necessarily a man made creation. An altar can be an ocean, I know thats what my personal altar is. The ocean offers a place to reflect and feel rooted to an intangible faith. An altar is a place to present symbols and connect to the spirits which they summon.

The materiality of African Diaspora ended up changing my definition of religion indefinitely. Religion does not have to hold any definition other than whatever connects one to a higher level of faith and healing. The focus on objects and symbols in these religions constructed the idea that they only meant as much as they did to the person to whom the belonged, no more or no less. However, the object combined with the altar took them to a place of healing, reflection, and purpose. Religion does not have to be defined or scheduled, but a practice in which one finds understanding and clarity. A personal religion may be different in practices and ideas, but the intrinsic mechanisms behind them are similar.

On September 26, I walked into the Spirited Things Exhibition at the Fleming Museum for an exclusive look at the unfinished exhibit. Greeting the class at the doorway was Eshu-Elegbara, an Orisa who specializes in spiritual communication. As the class was set free to roam, I moved past Eshu where a flash of tiger print caught my eye.  Looking at the object, front to back, I realized it was an outfit composed of an intricately woven maroon shawl and a vibrant synthetic tiger print skirt. The shawl, which was separate strips of cloth woven together and decorated with cowry shells, was accompanied by an undershirt, also riddled with hundreds of shells stitched in parallel lines along the seams. There were so many shells stitched into the outfit that the wearer would likely experience a small party with each step, hundreds of jingling shells clacking together. The skirt however, was made of a synthetic cloth, patterned with tiger stripes. The skirt itself was an unnatural, but striking orange color which had purple cloth framing around the seams. As my gaze was drawn up to the head of the mannequin, I noticed it had intricately woven braids as well. After this observation, I realized I had yet to look at the actual title of the artifact, it read “Attire of the Manifest God Ṣango.” The description informed me that this outfit is worn by devotees who are preparing to be “mounted” or in other words, spiritually possessed by the Yoruba god Ṣango.

I noticed in the description that all devotees wear this outfit while worshiping, and I wondered how this outfit contributed to spirit possession among those individuals. With this I began to investigate why the outfit worn by a bride was essential for spirit possession. In this essay I will provide background on Yoruba cultures and customs, and explain how this outfit contributes to spirit possession in ritual. A crucial key to understanding this contribution, is getting to know the Orisa Ṣango himself.

Ṣango is the Yoruba god of thunder, who yields his Thunder Axe, Oshe, and now represents the powers of the Oyo kings. Glazier, author of “If Old Heads Could Talk” writes, ”Ṣango is the most powerful and the most feared Yoruba deity both in Africa and in the Diaspora.”(Glazier, 2012, 199) It is in his reputation that one can can really understand his power. Like previously mentioned, Ṣango takes many brides, as he manifests his soul in the body of his devotees. Miles Richardson, author of “Beyond Conversion and Syncretism” illustrates that wives of Ṣango constantly bring about the presence of the Orisa. This honors the god and creates an incentive for him to bless and protect those who worship him. (Richardson, 2011, 146-156) He is worshipped all over the world for this reason, ranging from Africa itself, to South America and the Atlantic. Do to his position in the Orisa hierarchy, Ṣango is hugely worshiped for power and protection. However, hundreds of other Orisa are worshiped by Yoruba culture, particularly through the use of structures called altars and different objects which are placed on the altar.

An altar is device used to communicate with the spirits or the Orisa living among the Spirit world. They are stages for worship which are uniquely designed to communicate with different spirits. Altars are a place to generate energy for spiritual communication, this is done in many ways. The most frequently seen is the use of objects on an altar. These objects are set in a particular spacial arrangement which generates áse, the primordial life force residing within all beings. Rowland Abiodun, professor of The History of Art and Black Studies at Amherst College, explained the concept of áse as being the life force which resides within all of us. Professor Abiodun explained how áse, despite abundant, has to be drawn from any environment to be presented to an Orisa, and this ultimately happens through art, music, and dance. He accompanied this statement with an anecdote about objects on an altar. He said, an object is only an object until it is charged with áse, after an object is charged it has the power to do work.

Áse is essential to all Yoruba worship, conceptually it can be considered fuel, like gasoline powering a car. It is áse that charges objects on an altar, giving them energy and turning them into more than just pieces of material. After objects are used or prepared in particular ways, áse can be generated and used to call spirits before those who have summoned them. Objects are charged with áse in many ways. For instance, J. Lorand Matory found himself stepping outside the Fleming Museum nearing the opening of the Spirited Things exhibition to puff cigar smoke on his personal altar object. The smoke charged the object, giving the corresponding Orisa what it likes and prefers. These methods of preparation charge objects with the energy required for spiritual connection. Just as important as áse, are the physical objects on the altar which is being worshiped. Particular items can symbolize a broad range of things which summon and worship particular Orisa. Each object can be a particular offering to an Orisa, as they are things that the Orisa specifically prefers. For instance money or liquors are offerings which bring about áse and strive to enrich and nourish that Orisa, but an Orisa may prefer a certain food or liquor. With this being said, every object is specific to the preferences of the Orisa.

Those who worship the Orisa Ṣango specifically undergo spirit possession during ritual, where the soul or energy of a particular Orisa enters your body. Ṣango possession is a particular form of spirit possession where the bride can be either male or female. The term bride is gender inclusive of those devoted to Ṣango. Spirit possession in general has been typical of Yoruba ritual ceremonies and is a means of communication with spirits. It is in the crossover to a parallel reality where those undergoing possession can find solutions to problems, see future events, and communicate with their Orisa. It is a process that is deeply important, yet deeply hard to understand. In Yoruba culture they do not have the same notion that death means one is completely gone, but spiritually transferred to a different world, the world of  the spirits. Through this world Yoruba people connect to the spirits. However, spirit possession can not occur without the presence of áse.(Glazier, 2012, 204)

With this being said, the outfit worn by a bride of Ṣango must link a devotee to the spirit of Ṣango himself. Previously stated, Yoruba culture primarily uses altars with many objects to bring about áse, which can summon different Orisa. However, in this worship there is no apparent altar. It was at this point in my research where I looked to a reading by Thompson where he states the altar of River goddess, Oṣun, is not a tangible altar, but instead the holy river she once touched. (Thompson, 1993, 270)  From this I could conclude that the body of a Ṣango devotee serves as the altar which calls to Ṣango. An altar does not have to be a physical structure, but anything decorated with objects to worship an Orisa. Just as a Santeria altar would be decorated with offerings to bring about áse, the human body is decorated for the same purpose, but on a different form of altar. Each aspect of the outfit is a different offering, and also a method of drawing áse to charge the body itself.

If the body of a mount serves as the altar which worships Ṣango during ritual, then the outfit which they wear must consist of various artifacts which can charge them with áse, enabling them to connect with Ṣango. Glazier writes, “Ṣango devotees belief that illness and misfortune result from a lack of attention to the Orisa, and a belief that when properly attended to, will help them in their daily lives.”(Glazier, 2012, 193) This serves as evidence to support why brides wear this outfit during rituals to communicate with Ṣango. By wearing the outfit, brides are decorating their altars with power objects which generates áse within them, summoning Ṣango to possess those who worship. From here, Ṣango can help them in their struggles. In the same article by Glazier, he states that devotees attempt to establish binding contracts with Ṣango by wearing this outfit, however Orisa are fluid and characterized by a large degree of uncertainty. It is by wearing this outfit brides try to solidify their commitment to Ṣango, constantly worshiping him throughout the ritual.(Glazier, 2012, 193)

Each article of clothing represents something different, much like how individual altar objects represent different symbols as well. The synthetic tiger pelt worn by devotees represent Ṣango’s ferocity and power. The tiger is a jungle cat with a high social status on the food chain, Ṣango is similar to this in a lot of ways. He is a highly respected god who resides near the top of the Orisa hierarchy, containing the ferocity of a wild tiger. This pelt is used to symbolize those qualities on the altar, paying tribute to Ṣango’s strength. Also, when Ṣango does possess, he wants to be bold and noticed. This eye catching garment is bright and resonates confidence for the Orisa. The skirt is also red and orange, Ṣango’s own colors.

Equally as important is the cowry covered shirt and shawl. First off, cowries were a form of West African currency. With this being said, the cowries are meant to enrich Ṣango with offerings of money. Also, the noise in which the shells make generate áse by the jingling they make. Often noise, particularly drums, are used in Yoruba ritual to bring about áse and coerce spirits to visit altars. The cowries can function as their own device, generating noise and drawing áse into the altar through movement and dance.

The braids worn by Ṣango brides are also an important object on the altar. The braids which mounts of Ṣango wear in their hair symbolizes their marriage to Ṣango. This style is called agogo and is taken very seriously, as different braiding patterns all symbolize different things. In Justine M. Cordwell’s “The Fabric of Culture,” he states “Devotees of Ṣango don’t shave their head after initiation…head shaving upon death marks passage from life and membership, to death and nonmembership.” This specific pattern of braiding is thus an altar object which broadcasts ones devotion to Ṣango and his worship on a permanent basis.(Cordwell, 385) The braiding is a life long commitment, much like the devotion to Ṣango.

By devotees wearing this particular outfit, they can transform themselves into a fully charged altar. The different elements of the costume embody Ṣango and deliver áse to the body, inviting him to reside within his altar during ritual. By wearing the outfit the mount creates a particular spacial arrangement of objects, noises, and practices which act as any regular altar to draw Ṣango from the spirit world into the vessel of the human body. With this being said, the outfit worn by a bride of Ṣango is meant to generate the continuous presence of áse and charge the body with energy to attract Ṣango. The outfit is crucial in the physical spirit possession of a mount as it is the synthesis of áse, the power which drives the ritual to success. From the hundreds of cowries, to the furious tiger pelt, each piece of the outfit serves as an altar symbol, an effort to communicate with Ṣango, the mighty god of thunder.

Bibliography of sources which relate spirit possession among African Diaspora religions.

Cordwell, Justin M. The Fabric of Culture. Paris: Mouton Publishersn.d

Glazier, Stephen. If Old Heads Could Talk. Vol. 54, Canadian Anthropology society, 2012.

Matory, J. L. Sex and the empire that is no more : gender and the politics of metaphor in Oyo Yoruba religion. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.

Richardson, Miles. Beyond Conversion and Syncretism: Indigenous Encounters with Missionary Christianity. N.p.: Berghahn Books, 2011.

Thompson, Robert F. Face of The Gods. New York City: The Museum of African Arts, 1993.

Daniel DellaPasqua

Haitian Vodou Ritual

October 12, 2017

A Tase of Haitian Vodou at Fleming Museum

On Thursday, October 12th, I attended a Haitian Vodou ritual in the Fleming Museum. When the ritual began, leader Priestess Marie Maude Evans began prayer. The Priestesses then knelt down in front of a large alter, adjacent to three drummers who began to drum lightly. On the altar sat dozens of sparkling bottles, delicious foods for the gods, candles, pictures, and many other personal altar objects owned by Professor J. Lorand Matory. Once the ritual began, which was gradual, the drummers started to play more intensely. Once this began, the three women performing the ritual started to dance to the rhythm. The women were eventually joined by a crowd of people who began to dance, trying to bring about the Haitian spirits or deities. The dances they were doing, as learned from class, resemble breaking free from slavery and oppression, a plead for freedom.

I read an article by Tim Johnson called “A taste of Vodou at UVM” where he interviews Talibi Adedoyin Faniyi, chief priestess of a temple in Oshogbo, Nigeria. She states, “Dance is very important in the worship, because with dance, through dance … you get in trance, and when you have trance … It’s through dance you get a kind of message from the deity.”

This was the most fascinating part to me, how the drums and dancing intertwined. The drums are the noise which activates the energy or áshe(Yoruba) within the room. As learned from readings in class and lectures from acclaimed scholars, movement and noise is needed in order to activate or bring about energy. The more of these elements you have, the stronger the energy in the room. It gives the ritual a life force to feed from.

Ultimately, the most interesting part of the ritual to me was when one of the woman performing the ritual was possessed by the deity Kalfu. Suddenly, she started dancing out of rhythm with the rest of the practitioners, and it was clear Kalfu had possessed her, inserting his soul into her. When this happens, the body is a vesicle for the god, and they are unaware of what happened during the time of possession. This reminds me, to some extent, of Thompson’s chapter which illustrated Shango spirit possession on page 84. While Kalfu possession is not permanent, you are still housing a spirit within.

Also, the altar used during the ritual had many of the artifacts typical to our readings. The artifact that stood out to me most were the bottles, which I immediately connected to McAlister’s “A Sorcerer’s Bottle.” Although this was not a wanga, the bottles are still vesicles for a god to use, drinking the libations within. Overall the Haitian Vodou ritual was exciting, energetic, and intense. One could physically feel the energy in the air. I think this event was beneficial in better understanding African Diaspora as a whole. Seeing the way which practitioners of these religions interact with their gods is far different than one could contextualize from readings. With this being said, I am glad I chose to attend this event.

Spirit possession is a large aspect of Diaspora religion, for instance Shango, Yoruba god of thunder and lightning possesses his followers, taking them as brides in an eternal commitment. I am studying the outfit worn by Shango’s bride. This outfit is worn by those who are possessed by the Orisa Shango, which are typically referred to as ‘mounts.’ The outfit consists of a cloth wrap which is covered in cowry shells which represent wealth and power, as they were formerly used as currency. The shells are said to enrich the mount. Also, the outfit consists of a brightly colored tiger print skirt, which represents Shango’s ferocity. I am studying this outfit in order for the reader to discover how spirit possession of the wearers of these outfits contributes to the  personhood and identity of those possessed.

My question I am trying to answer is ‘how spirit possession of brides contributes their personhood and identity.’ Those possessed refers to whoever wears this outfit. A class reading I have seen this question emerge from is Thompsons “Flash of The Spirit,” on PG 86 where he talks about those possessed by Shango. This source says the áshe of Shango is found within a stone, and only he and his brave followers know how to balance this stone, unsupported on their heads. This chapter has other details regarding specifics on spirit possession as well. For instance Thompson writes, “the áshe of Shango is found within the stone.” These details can be used to identify how a brides commitment to Shango influences their identity and personhood.

In order to better understand my question I will need primary ethnographical documents written by those who have been around brides of Shango. I believe understanding their lives more may help answer the question better. Also, I would need secondary resources such as cultural encyclopedias which document the history of Yoruba people and the origin of spirit possessions within their culture. Thirdly, finding more articles written by authors such as Thompson will probably be my most promising avenue. The readings we do in class tend to explain the logistics behind Diaspora culture, which is ultimately the main goal. Discovering the reasoning behind spirit possession, as well as its history is an important step in understanding Shango’s connection with his brides.

Yoruba religion is a lifelong devotion to powerful Orisa, or gods, by the performance of specific rituals. Those who practice, use altars to communicate with their many Orisa. During the slave trade, communities of African people were taken by force and shipped to the Americas. These individuals were stripped of all identity; many forced to practice Christianity. Opposition, however, was met with devotion. Those captured practiced their religion in secret, managing to protect and spread Yoruba religion and culture from Africa to the Americas. But this does not mean that Orisa culture and tradition has been completely removed from Africa, for it is bustling in places like the Sacred River in Osogobo, Nigeria; a holy site of the Orisa Osun.

Every year, there is a festival devoted to the river Orisa Osun that occurs on the banks of her holy river, the Sacred river. This festival is essential for “reviewing contracts between humans and the divine.” The people dance, sing, and make sacrifices to their holy Orisas as they unite as a community to cleanse in the banks of Osun’s holy river. Robert Thompson, an expert of African Atlantic Altars, states in “Face of The Gods,” that “Stones and water complete the image of this most important woman. We gather her rounded pebbles at the river and place them in river water in vessels on the altar. Water is the altar where we ask for her blessings.” This excerpt explains how alters can take many forms, for instance and alter can be a river where worship takes place. With this being said, the use of a typical altar is not necessary, for an altar can take any form as long as it is worshipped properly.

There were many typical African Diaspora components in the festival, for instance an animal sacrifice is made by a virgin as an offering to Osun. Animal sacrifices are typical of Diaspora religion. These sacrifices are special gifts to the gods, to show appreciation, but also to give energy to the gods, asking for their divine protection. Also, I saw a lot of dancing and heard a lot of typical diaspora music. I recognized the intense beating of drums used in the festival. Drums are typically used to invite spirits to possess followers. While the drums beat through the night, the dancing reins on as well. The dancing  builds community, and honors certain orisa. However, among all is the alter in which they worship. The alter is the main aspect of Yoruba Religion, and the Osun-Osogbo festival dwellers worshipped a purely organic alter that Osun herself touched; the Sacred River. The Osun-Osogbo festival showed many connections to African Diaspora religion, despite being in different parts of the world two religions can share similar practices.

From what was displayed in the video, Diaspora religion is not only active and engaging, but strong. African Diaspora kept many traditions and practices despite being translocated across the Atlantic Ocean, this takes dedication. Coming from a rural town in Maine, I of course ‘practiced’ Christianity, but never had a strong dedication to it. As a whole, there was never a sense of community, it seemed forced. The Diaspora religions are inclusive to everybody, the dancing engulfs all participants and it is a celebration practiced by many. Everybody in this religion worships, but practice differs from person to person. It is a life long devotion for everyone, but each individual practitioner worships different gods and has different possessions on their alter. The religion molds around the individual, instead of the individual molding around the religion; a special aspect of Diaspora religion. (Dan)

During the slave trade, communities of African people were taken by force and shipped to the Americas. These individuals were wrongfully removed from their homes, and stripped of all identity; many forced to practice Christianity. Despite the adversity imposed on these people, they managed to protect and spread Yoruba religion and culture from Africa to the Americas. This does not mean that Orisa culture and tradition has left Africa, for it is bustling in places like the Sacred River in Osogobo, Nigeria; a holy site of the Orisa Osun.

Every year, there is a festival devoted to the river Orisa Osun that occurs on the banks of her holy river, the Sacred river. This festival is essential for “reviewing contracts between humans and the divine.”(Video quote) The people dance, sing, and make sacrifices to their holy Orisas as they unite as a community to cleanse in the banks of Osun’s holy river. Even though these practitioners are not directly using a staged alter, Thompson does state in “Face of The Gods,” that “Stones and water complete the image of this most important woman. We gather her rounded pebbles at the river and place them in river water in vessels on the altar. Water is the altar where we ask for her blessings (referring to Yemoja).” This excerpt explains how alters can take many forms, for instance and alter can be a river where worship takes place.

There were many typical diaspora components in the festival that were familiar from class. For instance, an animal sacrifice is made by a virgin as an offering to Osun. In class, there has been many instances where we have read about animal sacrifices being typical of Diaspora religion. These sacrifices are special gifts to the gods, to show appreciation, but also to give energy to the divine spirits. Also, I saw a lot of dancing, and heard a lot of typical diaspora music. I recognized the intense beating of drums used in the festival. Drums are typically used to invite spirits to possess followers. While the drums beat through the night, the dancing reins on as well. The dancing  builds community, and honors certain orisa. However, among all is the alter in which they worship. The alter is the main aspect of Yoruba Religion, and Osun-Osogbo festival dwellers worshipped in a purely organic alter that Osun herself touched; the Sacred River.

From what was displayed in the video, Diaspora religion is active and engaging. Coming from a rural town in Maine, I of course ‘practiced’ Christianity, but never had a connection to it. As a whole, there was never a sense of community, it seemed forced. However, after watching this video, I can see how religion can come naturally for these people. The Diaspora religions are inclusive to everybody, the dancing engulfs all participants and it is a celebration practiced by many. Everybody in this religion worships, but practice differs from person to person. It is a life long devotion for everyone, but each individual practitioner worships different gods and has different possessions on their alter. The religion seems to mold around the individual, instead of the individual molding around the religion; a special aspect of Diaspora religion in my opinion. (Dan)