Greg, Tessa, Alyssa, Reshma, Joe
Haitian Vodou Altar

Vodou is a Haitian creole word that describes an official religion of Haiti that contains bits of Roman Catholicism within its belief system. Vodou was creolized and forged by Dahomean, Kongo, Yoruba, and other African ethnic group descendents. These African ethnic groups had been enslaved and brought to modern-day Haiti, then called Saint Domingue, and were christianized by missionaries of Roman Catholicism in the 16th and 17th centuries. The word “Vodou” means spirit or deity within the Fon language of the African Kingdom Dahomey, of where most early practitioners originated from.
Vodou’s fundamental principle is that everything possesses a spirit, and its primary goal/ activity is to offer prayers and devotional rites directed at God, and various spirits in return for health, protection, happiness, etc. During many of these rites, two very important parts to these rituals, are Spirit Possession, and the energy, or “spirit” from the Altar which is used during rituals. Spirit Possession is used to invite a god, or god(s), called “Iwa” into the vessel of the possessed, to do work within the ritual, usually by dancing and inviting the energy of the divine into the ritual. Along with the important concept of possession, the altar is a center for energy and intent. Altars within Vodou have objects placed on them to collect energy, and use that energy within rituals. Objects placed on an Altar can range from a loved one’s perfume to bring their energy into a ritual, an object belonging to a loved one, a statue made in the like-lines of a god to ask for their assistance, crystals, jewelry, etc.
Vodou has been largely syncretized, or has had other religious beliefs blended into it, such as many beliefs from Roman Catholicism, such as the concept of the Altar. Within Roman Catholicism, the altar is a sacred space designated to worship God, and his saints by placing his “body and blood” on the altar and blessing it. Similarly, within Vodou, the altar is used to hold objects such as statues to the gods that invoke and channel the energy to call upon the divine. Catholicism, within its altars, show the history of the religion by showing the life of Jesus Christ, and the history of the development of the religion such as words from the apostles, biblical tales of Jesus’s Humanity, chalices to resemble the one Jesus Christ used at the last supper, etc. Vodou and Catholicism both share the similar aspect of the Altar, however what makes the Vodou Altar at the Fleming Museum unique and distinctly of the Vodou tradition, is the blending of both objects that sanctify the gods, such as the Paket bottles for Ezili Danto, and the inclusion of objects that, like Catholicism, embrace the history of the religion, and where it sprouted from. The Vodou altar displays various objects that tell the story of how it was started, and how it became what it is today.
For example, how the altar reflects aspects of the Haitian Revolution within its symbolism, within the Flag of St. Jacques, one of the leaders of the Haitian Revolution whom is honored on the Altar. Ezili Danto, is also represented within the altar as a flag, and she was also considered a catalyst for the Haitian Revolution by dancing in the “head” of the priestess Cecile Fatiman on a night in 1791. Also, there exists some cross referencing between the historical references within the Altar, to its correlation of the spiritual purposes of the Altar’s persona and the objects on it. For example, how the Petwo and Rada spirits, “angry and calm” spirits, are on two representational sides of the altar, can also be interpreted as the energy of the slaves imprisoned during the Slave Trade, and how angry, vengeful, and “hot” they would be considered, and how the spirits were relieved of their pain and suffering in Death after they passed, before the end of the slave trade, and how some spirits had passed away physically due to brutality, or imprisonment during the Slave Trade, and even during the Revolution.

Purpose:
An altar is a place where ritual and sacrifice take place. It is where spiritual work and witchcraft are performed, and is considered the center of one’s religious life. The purpose of this altar is to act as a center of worship and offering to various Hatian gods and spirits (Iwa). The various Iwa are able to influence different aspects of Hatian life – practitioners aim to keep the Iwa happy, therefore altars such as this one are constructed to be used as places to make regular service to the Iwa. This altar was created with items from Professor J. Lorand Matory’s personal collection, and was assembled by various curators at the Fleming Museum.
A typical Hatian Vodou service begins with a recitation of prayers and songs in French, and then a litany in Hatian Creole and Langaj that goes through all the saints honored by the house/venue, followed by a series of verses for the main spirits being honored. As the songs are sung, spirits come and visit the ceremony, often taking possession of individuals and speaking through them. Drumming and dancing are also vital parts of Vodou rituals. These rituals typically take place at the altar sites, with the objects acting as connections to the Iwa. For example, the Paket Kongo that appears on the altar (boat with rainbow string of wrapped around stem) is dedicated to Papa Loko. Papa Loko is considered the founder of all priests, and the guardian of the deepest secrets in Hatian Vodou. Loko is so powerful that he never makes an appearance through possession–his power and being are too supreme for humans to face. Papa Loko is also a doctor, so practitioners might pray to him through song and recitation at this altar to ask for good health and a cure for any ailments. Papa Loko’s power is known by all in the world of Vodou, so he is a popular and well-known deity to offer service and worship to at Vodou altars.
Another example of a ritual that might take place could be the ritual purpose of the colorful flag depicting Lasiren, the queen of the ocean. Lasiren is an Iwa of wealth, and owns all the riches of the sea. A flag showing an artistic representation of Lasiren is shown as a part of this altar in order to please her and show that practitioners are hopeful that through ritual, she will watch over them and guide them to wealth and prosperity. Her flag is adorned with bright colors and sequins, proudly on display on the wall above the altar in hopes to please the goddess of wealth with beauty and extravagance, encapsulating the idea of luxury she is said to stand for.

Macoute Shoulder Bag for Vodou God Azaka – straw bag with red string holding it together, with red, blue and straw tassels.

Paket Kongo for Grann Marie Bossou – Blue and red ribbon base with two blue structured ribbon arms out the side. Red, blue and black feathers come out of the top. This is meant to be a portrayal of lwa Grann Marie Bossou, who is sympathetic to and helps out those who have been betrayed.

Paket Kongo for Ezili Freda – Red string cloth base with white stem and green and red feathers at the top. It acts as a representation of Ezili Freda, god of wealth, love and coquetry.

Paket Kongo for Ezili Danto – Rainbow of string wrapped around stem, with red and yellow feathers on top, green string around the base with a blue string heart at the top of the base. Embodiment of Ezili Danto, the protector of children.

Bottle for Ezili Freda – gold sequin bottle with black sequin heart in center filled with red, blue, pink, and grey sequin squares. This bottle would be placed on an altar for Ezili Freda filled with rum and spices that the Iwa prefer.

Haitian flag – small ~5×7 in. Haitian flag, there to represent the heritage and spirit of the haitian vodou religion

Rèn Congo- the base wrapped in pink silk ribbon, wrapped by green satin cloth. The green cloth is beaded green and pink with peacock feathers extending out from the top. Arms extend out from the base wrapped in pink satin ribbon.
This object is placed here to represent the Queen of the Kongo, the Iwa of knowledge and good luck. Once the Pakét Congo is activated it has the ability to talk back to whoever may be worshiping. The body resembles that of a women and the peacock feathers represent the crown of the queen.

Bottle of Florida Water – used in rituals within Vodoun. In front of the Ren Cong, so most likely offering to the Queen of Kongo.

Bottle for the Haitian Vodou Lwa Bossou- Decorated with cloth covered by sequins and beads that for the shape of a bull’s head. Bossou is the bull god of the Haitian religion. The bottle will be filled with a specific kind of liquor and spices. During rituals the person possessed by Lwa is the only one who can handle the strength of drinking what’s in the bottle.

Lwa Kafou- box shaped structure covered in black and red cloth. There is a crucifix as well as a spoon and fork arranged on top. Kalfou is the god of the crossroads. Kalfou is the counterpart to Legba in the Petwo nation. He can be associated with fighting and making war. He allows people to cross over, between the world of the living or the world of the dead, as well as deny them too.

Flag For Ezili Dantó- Green flag covered in detailed beading showing a mother and a daughter figure. Ezili Danto represents the single mother figure. She defends her children and also gives them strength. She can be seen as aggressive and fierce but all to protect her children.

Dambalah Flag- Dusty rose colored fabric with triangles in the form of squares on the border. Two green and red snakes coiled around two red croziers and between them is an outlines heart. This represents Iwa Dambalah. The snakes represent the love between him and his wife. He can be known as the snake divinity.

Colorful Handkerchiefs – each handkerchief is a solid color that is hung on the front of the altar. Each color represents a god. The red for example represents Kalfou. During possession the handkerchief of the god who is possessing the person will be wrapped around the person.

Coca-Cola Bottle- this bottle is here an an offering to Kalfou. He likes coke therefore this bottle is here to please him.

Bacardi- this liquor is here as an offering to (what Iwa is represented behind bottle). This is his favorite therefore this is what is offered to him.

True Grenadine- also here as an offering to the Iwa. It is meant to keep them happy and satisfied.

Anisette- another liquid that is being placed her to be used as an offering to the Iwas. This is again meant to keep them happy in the hopes of not angering them. Which in turn would cause trouble.

Flag of Ogou/St. Jacques: This flag depicts Saint Jacques/Ogou on a horse with a man lying on the ground, and other people in the background that seem to be ready to fight. Ogou is a warrior spirit. Such flags are made as gifts to the Iwa.

Bottle for Bawon Samdi: This bottle is purple and covered in black and lavender sequins with a picture of Bawon Samdi, a spirit associated with death and fertility. They work to remind worshipers to live live with exuberance. This bottle is a tribute to Bawon Samdi, in order to keeo him happy.

Haitian Sacred Rattle (Asson) with Snake Bones: This rattle is made of medium brown wood and has a bead covering on it that makes noise when shaken. This is used in a ritual setting, but does not belong to a specific Iwa.

Bottle for the God Kwiminèl: This bottle is wide, red, and decorated with red and blue sequins. Kwiminel is a divinity known for its combination of eros and thanatos. Kwunubek is a convicted murderer awaiting the death penalty for such crimes. This bottle is an offering to please Kwunubek.

Pots for Marassa Trois: Dedicated to the Marassa twins (though sometimes there are 3). These pots look like they are made of clay, and serve as an offering to the twins.

Paket Kongo and boat for Agwe – Paket Kongo sits inside a straw boat, with blue, red and green feathers/ribbons sticking out. The feathers and ribbons on top of the boat are meant to be a representation of and means of communicating with the gods.

Rhum Barbancourt – white rum bottled and produced in Haiti.

Sirop D’Orgeat – sweet almond-barley syrup, next to Paket Kongo and boat for Agwe, most likely an offering for him

Bottle for Minocan – Multicolored bands of sequins wrapped around bottle, two snakes of bronze sequins also wrapped around the outside. The variety of color is meant to represent many different Iwa without offending any of them.

Libation Bottle for the Gods Sin Majè/Ogou and Èzili Dantò – red, blue and white sequins covering the bottle with pictures Catholic Saints on the front. Roman Catholic saint Sin Maje is meant to represent Ogou, the red and blue colors are those of Ezili Danto.

Flag for Lasiren – flag depicting Lasiren, the queen of the ocean, as a mermaid. Being the goddess of the deep ocean, this flag is meant to represent her power and ability to lure people into the ocean, much like a siren

Statue of Twins – plaster statue of twin saints Cosmas and Damien, these twins are meant to represent the Iwa known as the Marasa. This statue is meant to be an embodiment of the Marasa.

When viewing the Haitian altar, the first items that somebody may see are the huge flags, or perhaps the color coordination of the altar. The flags are not typical items that are present on a Haitian altar; however, Professor Matory said to us that flags have become more of a symbolic item. The flags represent the Haitian revolution and the struggles the people of that country went through to get to where they are today. The flags were also gifts for Professor Matory. By looking at the flags you can tell how elaborately made they are and he felt that they were too pretty to not hang up so he added to them to the altar as well. Most altars used for the practice of Vodou are much less expensive, and are more practical. The next thing that is very noticeable is the colors or handkerchiefs that are hung on the front of the altar. The colors go from dark to light, and each color represents a Haitian god. They are used for spirit possession when a ceremony is taking place. The god that possesses the person has their symbolic colored handkerchiefs draped on the person being possessed. The altar is also covered with bottles of liquor and many different liquid items. These are all here as offerings to the gods. The certain liquors placed on the altar are what each god prefers. The bottle is placed in close proximity to the god that is represented by its Paket Kongo. These would be the odd looking structures that are on the altar: for example the black and red structure, which represents Kafu. The sculptures are set up in a certain way, with all the Petwo gods on the left and the Rada gods displayed on the right. The Petwo gods like more of the rough and hard drinks whereas the Rada like the smoother European liquors. Therefore, in the layout of the altar, the rough liquors are on the right and the European liquors are on the left, representing the transition from Petwo to Rada. One common thing associated with Haitian Vodou are “zombies”. Despite the instinctive response of zombies that comes to mind, Haitian zonbi are nothing like the glorified “zombies” known in Western media. The spirits of the zonbi are better known as the spirits of the dead that have been captured and brought back to work for someone. Western zombies are often the living dead, come back to kill the living and eat them; nothing like Haitian zonbi. Zonbi that reside on altars are often placed in bottles with elaborate beading and decoration. Some zonbi may be spirits that are related to whomever own the altar. Other times, as shown on this particular altar, the spirits residing in the bottles are spirits of the gods.
Other things that are displayed on this altar aren’t directly associated with the gods, but function as other “accessories” for the gods. One thing that is a little hard to display in a museum would be the food offerings. In Vodou, it’s customary to provide food to the gods on an altar, and the cooking and arranging of food is an important ritual. Unfortunately, our altar resides in a museum, making it difficult to provide food for the gods due to the rules and regulations that a museum faces. A fake cake sits in the center of our altar, with ceremonial candles placed on each side of the cake. This is meant to represent the food that would be offered. The two chairs on either side of the altar are for sitting, but sometimes a doll may be on the chair of an altar instead to symbolize someone sitting in the chair. The teacup in the front of the altar is used to hold libations for the gods or used to hold wicks with olive oil and honey to make prayer stronger. The maraca looking objects are used in the ceremony and to communicate or salute to the gods. Dr. Matory, the creator of the altar, informed us that the necklace is often worn by a Haitian priest during a ritual. Each bead or pattern represents each god in its colors. It is worn in a way that the spirits envelope people and include them all as a community, and to provide protection during a ritual. The statuette of twins represents the Marasa, the sacred twins of Vodou. The statuette is placed on the altar during rituals and food associated with children is offered to it. The three urns are pots for the Marasa. As long as the Vodou altar follows the basic blueprint of having Petwo and Rada spirits (and their associated bottles and liquids) on different sides, and the scheme of light to dark, the exact placement and specifics of an altar is left up to the creator. The altar is a creative structure, and no two altars will look the same.
From the perspective of the altar, we can learn more about religion than we realize. The study of religion is a field that can often be majorly biased without malicious intent. Too often, religions of the world are studied by Westerners in the way that they study Western religions such as Christianity, Judaism, or Islam. Religions such as these are often studied and categorized by their beliefs and their ideas of gods, holy spirits, and morality. Western religions often idolize those who live without materiality such as Mother Teresa, and focus on becoming a pure individual with no greed or lust. These beliefs of spirituality and morality can be a good way to observe some religions, but not all religions in the world are defined by such beliefs. Many religions have more facets than just spirituality; religions can also be seen from aspects of materiality, storytelling, rituals and traditions, and more. The Western way of viewing religions isn’t universal and in many cases, it just doesn’t work.
By observing altars and materiality, one can observe a whole new side of religion that may have been invisible before. While approaching religion from this angle may not provide much insight into religions such as Christianity that promote modesty and dissuade materialism, many other religions place objects in a role that is essential to their worship. For example, altars in religions of the African diaspora such as Yoruba, Vodou, Santeria, and Candomble often have symbolic bottles, calabashes, or other tokens of worship. Worshipping objects that contain the spirits of gods or that were purposefully placed upon an altar to please the gods is an important part of many non-Western religions, and is an act often overlooked when religions are studied from a purely Western perspective. By focusing our study on altars, we as outsiders gain a deeper understanding of religions such as Vodou than we would have from simply trying to understand Vodou from a perspective of spirituality and morality. However, studying the altars of a religion isn’t a perfect method of understanding the religion either, especially when trying to manage the difficulties that arise from an outsider trying to define a religion they aren’t involved in. There are many aspects to a religion, and just because someone is studying a concept such as materiality that is more active in a certain religion doesn’t mean that they suddenly have all of the answers. There’s a lot to consider in the study of religions, such as ritualistic actions, music and storytelling, and worship.
While an altar might be a good entry way to learn about Vodou, it isn’t an all-encompassing perspective. This also brings up the perspective of the outsider – someone studying a religion from the outside won’t be able to understand aspects of the religion without being influenced by personal bias or ignorance. For example, while an outsider may view an altar as objects on a table, a practitioner of the religion will be able to see true meaning behind the objects and how they’re arranged to channel spirits or please gods. Putting emphasis on defining a religion by its materiality is a way that can promote the blindness that comes with the view of the outsider, even if it’s a preferable alternative to only focusing on a Western study of religion. Altars also viewed by people studying religion are often viewed in situations out of context, such as in a museum. By taking the altars out of context, it can often take away a huge aspect of the altar’s meaning and purpose. The study of altars as a means of defining religion through materiality is not perfect, yet it does provide a more appropriate viewpoint of religions such as Vodou in which materiality is important. Overall, although materiality may not be an comprehensive view from which to study religion, it remains invaluable for its ability to encourage outsiders to begin to look at religions from non-Western perspectives and to broaden the way that Westerners view religions that they aren’t familiar with.

On November 15th, Daniel Rodriguez, an initiated priest of Santeria gave a talk titled “Thrones of the Gods, Altars of the Soul”. He spoke about Cuban Santeria, in the sense of how it is meshing with modern society and spoke about his experience growing up in the Santeria tradition. Rodriguez also gave a very detailed description of each Orisha represented within the birthday altar of the Fleming Museum.

Rodriguez began his talk, with a brief introduction to Santeria. Also called Regla de Ochá or “gift of the Orishas”. Santeria’s name originated from Spain from the Spanish word Santero, which means sculptor, and this was the word used because before Santeria was an accepted practice, practitioners used to disguise their Orisha’s as catholic sculptures. However the word Santeria, split up means Santo, or saint and “ería” which in the Spanish language means a store or seller of something.

Rodriguez then began to tell the audience, that Santeria in very recent times in our society has come under fire, being negatively associated with Witchraft, or “devil’s work”. This was a main point of Rodriguez’s talk, as he spoke very passionately about Santeria, and he creates a very valid point, of the benefits of speakers like him, speaking authentically about the traditions and practices of Santeria, from a personal point of view.

Santeria, as a religion, is one that had been brought from Africa through slavery to the Caribbean. Today Santeria is considered a non mainstream religion, but to many is considered very “new age” and esoteric. Santeria is heavily based on a system of Hierarchy between practitioners, that is achieved through years of studying, practicing, and dedication to the Orisha and to Santeria. Rodriguez has been initiated for 31 years, and has built himself as a priest, and as a knowledgable practitioner. Rodriguez disclosed to us, the audience that when you are first initiated, you are given a few Orisha to worship, and eventually throughout your practice and moving up in the Hierarchy you gain more Orisha, and Rodriguez related this concept to the birthday altar. He mentioned that even though this altar is extravagant, altars for practitioners are usually smaller scale than this one, even for Rodriguez, a long-time initiate of Santeria.

Rodriguez began giving detailed descriptions of each Orisha represented in the birthday altar. Including Olocun, Ochun, Oco, Chango, Inle, and most importantly Yemoja and Obatala. Obatala is the orisha, or god that is most associated with Jesus Christ within Catholicism. Yemoja is the focal point of the birthday altar, and Rodriguez tells us that Yemoja, the Orisha of the sea, translatlanic voyages, mother of the world, etc. can be distinguished by her high stance above the other Orisha within the altar. She sits highly on her pedestal surrounded by blue and white fabric, the colors most associated with her. Each Orisha has a place of hierarchy, and this is shown within each Orisha’s height within the altar. The Orisha’s hierarchy is as real as the hierarchy within practitioners of Santeria, and this is described by Rodriguez when he says that “ The gods are just like us, and we can identify with them, they are not all holy and all perfect”.

I believed that Thrones of the Gods Altars of the Soul was well worth attending. I learned greatly from Rodriguez’s point of view, and personal experiences with trying to break negative connotations associated with Santeria, and a brief history of both Santeria and each Orisha created a combination of history and culture within Santeria. Rodriguez, as an initiate of 31 years spoke highly and creatively about his practice, and what it means to him, his brothers and sisters, and the Orishas. I actually wanted to do more research about Santeria altars and about Initiation of Santeria practitioners, after the talk. I learned a great deal about the hierarchy of Santeria that I didn’t know existed, and the unique humanistic point of view looking at the orisha of Santeria.

Walking into the Fleming Museum’s Spirited Things: Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic Exhibit, your eyes are inundated by radiant, intriguing, and esoteric objects of various Afro-Atlantic Religions. There are altars composed to honor various deities, plethoras of shining garments, beaded dolls, colorfully wrapped bottles, gorgeous tapestries with images of deities and mythical beings, gathered to express religious cultures. Families of objects line the walls and floors all telling a story of religious and cultural diversity of Yoruba Religions, Brazilian Candomblé, Santería, Haitian Vodoun, and much more.

To the left of me, in a large glass case surrounded by bottles of rum, cowrie shells, and dolls for wealth and prosperity, lies a strange wand-like object. This object, by reading the tag underneath, is known as the Ibirí Wand of the Goddess Naña. By observation, this object is about 15-20 inches in length, and extends from a straight handle, into two pieces of straw that bend in opposite directions to create an oval shaped looped at the summit of the wand. The ibirí is made of Palha da Costa, or African straw, and is adorned with rows of blue, red, gold and white glass beads. Glass Beads, or any links of beads are said to, within the practice of Candomblé, after being washed in herbal baths or blood offerings, are said to take on the ashe of the deities they are used for, and become a connection or a literal “link” from user or practitioner to the divine. Along with the beads decorating the Ibirí, pearly white cowrie shells, which create an oceanic aspect of the wand, entrancing sections of leather ranging in color, drawing your eyes in all directions around the shape of the wand, are present. Beginning at the base of the handle, my eyes seemed to follow the colors as they changed starting with black, blue, green, yellow, white, and finishing with red. I had never seen an object quite like this, that could catch my eyes and draw them in so many different directions at once, I was eager to discover more about this mesmerizing entity of an object. In this essay, I will provide background information on both the Ibirí and its owner, Naña Buruku. Also, my main question for this essay is how is the Ibirí wand is used, by practitioners of Naña Buruku, within ritualistic practices? Also, I wished to introduce the history of Candomblé, and beliefs within this religion. I also will expand the concept of the spiritual importance that religious objects have. As religious objects can also possess a similar spiritual value as the owner of it, looking past its mundane origin. I will be relating this concept to one of our past readings, “A Sorcerer’s bottle” by Elizabeth McAlister.

To begin, Candomblé, a word who’s meaning “dance in honor of the gods” is “a religion is a mixture of traditional Yoruba, Fon and Bantu beliefs which originated from different regions in Africa. These beliefs were transported within the hearts and souls of slaves during the slave trade. It has also incorporated some aspects of the catholic faith over time. These people, along with their indigenous religious beliefs and practices, were essentially stolen from Africa, and were transported to Brazil. Candomblé, is a hybrid, or a “syncretic” religious mixture of Traditional Yoruba, Fon, and Bantu religious beliefs, all origination from different regions of Africa. Music and Dance are the one of the primarily important aspects of Candomblé, within ceremonies, mainly. Practitioners of Candomblé, believe in one all powerful god, called Oludumaré. He is served by lesser deities called Orishas, whom one of which in Nana Buruku.

Continuing along the introduction of the orisha, I would like to share a bit of history regarding Naña Buruku. She is again, an orisha, or a lesser deity within the Brazilian religious practice of Candomblé. She is considered the Orisha of Death, Dance, Healing, Disease or Pestilence, and other aspects as well. She is considered a “grandmother” of the Orisha’s and is seen very much as a wise-woman within Candomblé. Two of her children, are Ogun, the orisha of metal or iron, and Obaluaiye, the orisha of smallpox and pestilence. Naña is known amongst practitioners of Candomblé, as a powerful deity for asking for a pregnancy, to terminate a pregnancy, and for various types of healing. She is said to use a similar Ibirí wand to my object in the Fleming Museum, as a broom of sorts, or as a staff to guide her followers and her children to their highest potential, like a grandmother spirit would do. However, just as Naña Buruku uses the Ibirí as a tool for helping her children, grandchildren, and devotees, the Orisha’s tool has also been known as a weapon. With this malicious usage of the Ibirí, or the ileeshin, an alternative Yoruba word for the Ibirí reflects a side of the Grandmother spirit that is rather contradicting and darker. “But if a cruel and horrible person stands before her, she can take the ileeshin, thrust it out horizontally before her and strike its looped tip against the belly of the man” (Thompson 1983, 71). This aspect of the Ibirí suggests an aspect of the Orisha that is just, and seeks to have justice against cruel or unjust people. This tells a sort of duality to Naña Buruku, a balance between nurturing and healing with justice and dealing punishment to those who may deserve it. The Ibirí and Naña both share a very balanced and equal power, dealing with both aspects of the world; that which is cruel and unjust, and that which is healing and has justice. The colors of blue, gold, white and green emphasize the healing and nurturing side of the Orisha, and her desire to watch and guide over her children, grandchildren, and worshippers. After feeling like I needed to understand the Orisha on a more personal and human level, I wished to learn more about the backstory of both the Ibirí and the Orisha, during her human experience.

The Ibirí wand, was said to have been born with Naña Buruku at the beginning of her life on Earth. “Nana has possessed a certain staff from the beginning of her life on earth. She was born with this staff; it was not given to her by anyone… when she was born the staff was embedded in the placenta” (Thompson 1983, 71). This expresses that the history of Naña Buruku and the Ibirí are intertwined and show the dependence both the object and the deity have on each other. The Ibirí, was also said to have been cut from the placenta after birth, and placed into the Earth. The Ibirí was then said to grow as the child grew. “ Then they cut it from the placenta and they put it inside the Earth. But surprisingly, as the infant grew, the staff grew, too” (Thompson 1983, 71). This legend, in a sense emphasizes how Naña Buruku’s áshe, or her divine powers, grew as she did within the Ibirí and also emphasizes the idea within Afro-Atlantic religions that one’s áshe, or divine influence, grows along with them in the world. Moving away from the history of the object itself, into another point of my essay which is how the reflection of Naña Buruku’s ashe, can be seen and acknowledged within the the ibiri, as a vessel of spiritual energy. This connection of energy can be found again, within “A Sorcerer’s Botle” by Elizabeth Mcallister, a past. reading of ours.

Within “A Sorcerer’s Bottle” McAllister discussed how she discovered through a special bottle made for her by a Religious Sorcerer, that were existed so much more beyond the materiality of the object. This reading reminded me of the Ibirí, as the wand seemed to also have a spiritual “mind of it’s own” as well the bottle. The Ibirí was used as a weapon to harm other people at one point. This fact, along with how the wand seemed to grow simultaneously with Nana Buruku, told me that wand had the similar energy as the bottle in the reading. McAllister describes the object as a piece of art, along with a magical entity, as well. “ The bottle was thus commissioned; I thought of it as my first piece of art. Or was it? Right before he gave it to me, the bòkò turned it into a work of magic, a wanga” (McAllister 1995, 305). This quote enforces my idea and additional point of this essay, of the equalized reflection of spiritual value inside an object, to the owner of it. The Ibirí’s power, and its connection to Naña Buruku, showed me the value far beyond the object that sat in front of me in the museum, I related to it’s history and envisioned it’s power and it’s comparison to Naña Buruku. Shifting again from discussing the orisha, to discussing her Ibirí. I’d like to expand more on just what the Ibirí is, it’s ritualistic and spiritual purposes within rituals, etc.

The Ibirí, along with being used by the Orisha herself as a broom, as a staff of guidance, as a weapon, etc. is seen heavily in Candomblé imagery in the crook of Naña Buruku’s arms, as she is swaddling it like a child, again emphasizing her role as a grandmother spirit, a nurturer, and a healer. In one of my research questions, I wanted to discover more about the modern use of the Ibirí within ritualistic practices. This leaded me to discover that worshippers and devotees of Naña Buruku use a form of dancing called Tidalectics, a style of dancing that includes a swaying motion parallel to the action of the oceans waves. Tidalectics, is seldom seen within any other ritual besides one simply worshipping Naña Buruku alone. The Tidalectics style of dancing creates connection to the nature of the Orisha herself, as she has been said to be found near oceans, rivers, and streams. I did not, interestingly, discover much about the use of the object itself during rituals. However, it is still used outside of rituals, as a vessel for the stories of itself and Naña Buruku. After discovering Tidalectics, and it’s connection to the orisha, I began to search for more possible connections to the ocean. I discovered through more research about oceanic connections to the Ibirí and Naña, about Cowrie Shells. These are white, pearly shells, which are naturally used as a representation of water, or of the ocean. The Cowrie shells used to embellish the Ibirí create a further connection between the orisha and to the ocean. The Tidalectics style of dancing also resembled the sweeping motion of a broom, which Naña was said to perform using the Ibirí, to sweep away pestilence and disease. In the practice of Initiation into the practice of Naña Buruku, practitioners will wear long dresses, usually of the color blue or gold, and take corners of their dresses, and sway them back and forth, mimicking the action of sweeping a broom.

After discovering the existence of such an object, my mind has been objected to make many connections between a material object and the nature and personality of an incredibly wise and powerful deity. The Ibirí has allowed me to perceive the nature of an object far beyond just what materials, colors, and embellishments meet the eye. The Ibirí wand also allowed me to discover the existence of a foreign style of dancing I had never encountered before, and can be used to honor a deity who’s uniqueness and respectability is as diverse and eclectic as the object that she has carried since birth. The practice of Candomblé is one that can be perceived as radiant, diverse, and honorable as embodied in Naña Buruku. The Ibirí wand is an object that’s personality and backstory have transcended time itself and continues to live on in antiquity within the walls of the Fleming Museum, waiting their every day to meet all who are lucky to see it, and to teach them about itself and the history of a truly wise grandmother orisha.
Below are photo’s of both the wand itself on the Fleming Museum website on the exhibition and an Illustration of Naña Buruku paired naturally with the Ibirí found via Internet.

Bibliography:

McAlister, Elizabeth. “A Sorcerer’s Bottle .” https://bb.uvm.edu/bbcswebdav/pid-2315560-dt-content-rid-10925763_1/courses/201709-95021/rel298.mcallister.pdf.

Sansi, Roger. “4.” Fetishes and Monuments: Afro-Brazilian Art and Culture in the Twentieth Century, Berghahn, 2010.
Roger Roca-Sansi: Fetishes and Monuments: Afro Brazilian Art and

Griffith, Paul A. “Chapter 4 .” Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora: Archetypes of Transition, Lexington Books, 2017.

Thompson, Robert Farris. “Chapter 1: Black Saints Go Marching in .” Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy, Random House, 1983, pp. 68–72.

Griffith, Paul. “Chapter 4.” Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora; Archetypes of Transition, books.google.com/books?id=2vSeDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120&dq=nana+dancing+ritual&source=bl&ots=xltfBHktua&sig=DeIgzk2bSVpcwNpYwo5z_66sv24&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiio7iM5oTXAhXEYiYKHRNKD4YQ6AEINjAF#v=onepage&q=nana%20dancing%20ritual&f=false.

Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora; Archetypes of Transition
Paul Griffith

I found this source on google professor, using the keywords Nanã and Ritual Practices
The author of this book discusses in Chapter 4; Page 120 of the ritualistic style of the dance practiced in the worship of Nana, as Tidlectics, styles of dances having to do with the ocean, or swaying motions parallel to the actions of the waves of the ocean. Also, the author describes the dance as having a “sweeping motion” to it, which enforces the use of the Ibiri wand, the specific tool to the Orisha Nanã, as it is considered amongst many as a broom of sorts, used to sweep away pestilence, and disease.

The author gave me a unique, fresh perspective on the style of dancing used to honor the Orisha, as the Tidalectic style of dancing, was foreign at first, but became sensible considering Nanã is associated heavily with the ocean, and having a swaying, almost sweeping motion used during her ritualistic dances.

Sansi, Roger. “4.” Fetishes and Monuments: Afro-Brazilian Art and Culture in the Twentieth Century, Berghahn, 2010.
Roger Roca-Sansi: Fetishes and Monuments: Afro Brazilian Art and

Professor Brennan recommended this book to me; during our initial object analysis
The Author of this book, Roger Sansi, discusses in Chapter 4, the transition in Candomble and other Afro-Brazilian religions, from the perspective of religious objects as weapons, to Crown Jewels of museums. This is another fresh perspective on religious and museological objects, having a malicious aspect to them, when used in their appropriate cultural mythology and legends.The Ibiri, the object most identified with the Orisha Nanã Buruku, was also perceived as a dangerous weapon when used against men, and people whom the Orisha had ill intent towards. This source provides an additional aspect to view the Ibiri, not just as an object used in rituals to further align oneself with Nanã Buruku, but also potentially used by individuals with an intent that isn’t so loving nd nurturing, as the Orisha herself is often seen as.

Thompson, Robert Farris. “Chapter 1: Black Saints Go Marching in .” Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy, Random House, 1983, pp. 68–72.

Robert Farris Thompson

This source was ultimately found in our textbook, as Nanã Buruku has a section devoted to her history, life on Earth, and the history, use and life of the Ibiri wand, the object I will be researching within this project.
Our textbook, discusses the history of the Ibiri, explaining that Nanã has possessed the wand from the beginning of her life, and after Nanã was born, the staff was cut from the placenta, and put inside the Earth. As Nanã grew in size and age, the staff did as well, beneath the Earth. Nanã, went to war with the Teju-ade, and her son dug up the staff, and thus the staff became the highly worshipped object contained in the essence of the Orisha herself, essentially. This is an extremely valuable source, as it offers the most in depth and specific history of the Ibiri I have found thus far. Also, it offers the lives of both the Orisha, and the object as they both grew from birth, into maturity, and ultimately, into the legends told about Nanã Buruku and the Ibiri in Afro-Brazilian mythology.

The ibiri, is a scepter-like object carried by the orixa of dance, death, disease and mud; Nanã. Nanã is an orixa of the Brazilian practice of Candomble. The ibiri was said to have been for with Nanã, in the placenta, and the staff itself grew as Nanã aged. However, the staff was placed into the earth, and Nanã was temporarily seperated from it. Until, her son Omolú had found it and brought it back to his mother, and this is what the word ibiri is translated into “Son-found-it- and brought-back-to-me” as found on page 71 in our textbook. The ibiri, is a twin scepter, to the xaxará, the scepter had by Omolú, god of pestilence, and her son. The ibiri is made of a gathered bunch of the ribs of palm fronds, around which is an intricately interwoven net of woven African straw, and adorned with various colored swatches, especially of the colors blue and white, and cowry shells. The colors of blue and white are especially associated with Nanã. The ibiri, is a symbol to the orixa, of when she carried her son in her arms as an infant.

My question is to seek how the ibiri is activated and used in Candomble practices, and how a devotee of Nanã can use the wand and activate its abilities in ritualistic practices. Also, I wish to discover more about the practice of dancing, using the ibiri, as Nanã is also the orixa of dancing, and knowing thus far into our learning of ritualistic practices of black Atlantic religions, how important dancing and motion is in activating not only a religious object, but also the Ashe of the practitioner, during these rituals.

In order to discover more about the answers to my questions, I will consult our textbook primarily, as Nanã is discussed in Chapter One, and the history of the Ibiri and the birth, life, and mythology of the goddess, herself. Also, I will use the library here at UVM to attempt and discover further history and practices of the Ibiri, primarily how it is used in Candomblé practices, but also relations of the Ibiri, and the orixa Nanã with the religious practices, and possible interactions with other deities.

The African Diaspora, is a word used to encompass the evolution and adaptation of religious practices originating on the African Continent, that have been held in the hearts of many religious practitioners, dating as far back to the Slave Trade, taking place between 1500-1800. During this period, thousands of Men, Women, and Children were abducted from the African continent, and shipped globally to the “New World”. With them, travelled their intricate religious and cultural practices, and these practices have been subjected to acculturation, and the forced adaptation of slaves to the America’s. The Diaspora, has been subjected to the practices of thousands of people from every walk of life, and have intertwined, culturally, with various religions from the Americas, to produce many blended, or hybridized religions that are continued to be practiced today, in the 21st Century. African Slaves were forbidden to practice African religions once in the America’s and to safely practice their religions, they incorporated the Christian Saints that closely resembled a specific Oriṣa. They “managed to establish altars to their dead even while blending with the Christian world: they coded their burial mounds as ‘graves’ but studded them with symbolic objects…”(Thompson, Overture: The Concept “Altar”). By doing so, they were able to practice their religion safely, and thus beginning the process of hybridization, blending cultural aspects of two religions and creating a hybrid religious practice. In the documentary, “Sacred Journeys with Bruce Feiler: “Oṣun-Oṣogbo” two American-African women, as they identify, are documented as they participate in the rite of induction into the priestess-hood of the Orisa, a Yoruba word for goddess, Osun.
Alatin Stewart, and Oni Yebiye-Hinton are two young women, traveling to the Oṣun-Osogbo Festival, in Osogbo, Nigeria. They answered the call to become inducted as priestesses into the Yoruba religion, an example of an African religious practice originated on the continent itself. The two young women, until this point had led their lives in the cultural-melting pot of the United States, and are ecstatic to return to the place of their ancestral roots, to dedicate their hearts to a religion that may have even had their ancestors as their religious leaders, many decades ago. The quote “We left Africa, but Africa never left us.” emphasizes the importance of keeping ones religion alive in their hearts, even if, like the African Slaves taken from their homeland, there comes challenges to ones environment, or lives in which their faith, and every other aspect of their being, is tested. When Alatin and One arrive at their religious site, the scene is one of abandoned streets, lined with stray animas, and a large gate at which their religious induction is to begin. Once the gates opened, we are allowed a glimpse into the heart of the Yoruba tradition, with priestesses and priests, welcoming the young women, and many breath-taking altars, lined with sea shells, gorgeous pearl jewelry and vibrant colorful flags to represent the Goddess Oṣun, who is a goddess of water, fertility, beauty, and love. The representation of Altars is a deeply sacred practice in the Yoruba tradition, as the focal point for the channeling of a god, or goddesses energy, and welcoming them to create change in the lives of the practitioner.
The Oṣun-Osogbo Festival, is a perfect example of the African Diaspora, and how various aspects of the cultural perspective can be observed to be similar to other religions such as Christianity. The flags used in the Yoruba tradition, contain multiple colors and patterns to represent different Oriṣa, similar to in Christianity, how various altar cloths and garments worn by religious leaders represent various saints, and angels. The Altars in the documentary are vastly similar to the altars read about in Thompson’s article, expressing different Oriṣa through colors, patterns and the fabric itself used to craft the flags. Thompson expressed the importance of an altar, and how an altar reflects the personality of the practitioner, and how they connect with their Oriṣa. Another cultural similarity are the dressings worn by the Yoruba women, that resemble closely many dresses and pieces of clothing worn by Spanish practitioners of religion, performing ritual dances for their gods and goddesses. These similarities amongst the Yoruba practices and those of other places display the acculturation that has occurred since the Slave Trade, to further adapt religious practices to include practitioners beyond the Yoruban culture.

Tying together with the documentary, the young women, were inducted as High priestesses of Oṣun, and were allowed to enter into Oṣun’s grove, the sacred dwelling place of the goddess of water, beauty, fertility, etc. and the two priestesses stood over the river, and explained that they both felt as if they had returned home, and this is what they were searching for their whole lives. These young women display the nature of the Diaspora, that two young women raised in a different part of the world in a different culture, could travel back to Africa and become High Priestesses, and devote their lives to the path they felt destined to walk. The Diaspora lives in the hearts of people today, who practice their religious beliefs freely, without constriction, in every location of the world, and blended aspects of their beliefs to honor their roots. Their growth and evolution throughout their lives and the life of their beliefs, and how they as people, will continue to grow, evolve and adapt to an ever changing world, just as so many African Slaves adapted and changed the beliefs of Diasporic Religions, to an ever changing global network of divine knowledge and practices.

Greg Doyle

TAP: Altars of the Black Atlantic

Professor Brennan

9/15/17

Reflection

In the recent weeks of class, we have discussed the religions of the African continent, their cultures and traditions, and how they came to the Americas during the Mid-Atlantic Slave Trade. Specifically, we have been talking about Syncretism/Hybridism and how it has became apparent in many of both the practitioners and hybrid traditions in many African religions, mainly the Yoruba tradition. In many of our readings, we have discovered that many traditions originated on a specific continent, such as the Yoruba Tradition, in Africa, or Santeria, or Candomble, have been traveling from their original place of creation, to new lands, and even blend with existing religious traditions in these “new lands”. The prime example of this process, referred to as hybridization is described by Steve Engler as: “The way in which social boundaries that are activated and reworked within system of religious beliefs and practices, and how they reflect, retract, and combine with homologous boundaries present in a given society”. Many practitioners of Yoruba culture, were taken to the America’s, and despite the fact that they left their home, the memories of culture and sacred traditions never left their memories and hearts; as one practitioner stated in the video we watched: “Although we left Africa, Africa never left us”.
This blending of religious practices, can be understood as a process of evolution, in faith, almost a renaissance, as described in the video. A renaissance in essence, is a rebirth. With the blending of these religious practices amongst people of different backgrounds, ethnic belongings, lifestyles, etc. These religions which were long thought to have been laid to rest once the practitioners were taken and sent away from their homes of worship, are now beginning to see the light of a new dawn, a new day. These religions are growing, in strength and numbers each and every day, because their practitioners are now seeking safe, and nurturing places to practice their newly formed faiths, and to introduce their cultures to the world and the rest of its inhabitants. An emphasized example, of the blending of many religious traditions, is in the Osun-Osogbo festival, as seen in the video required for this assignment.
We can observe the Osun-Osogbo festival, that occurred in the video, and identify certain aspects of the ritualistic traditions occurring, and how we can relate the aspects of this particular tradition to other traditions of separate religious practices. For example, although not in the actual festival itself, there is a ceremony, where a child is taken to the side of a river and ran water over their heads and asked blessings from the goddess Osun. This ceremony is incredibly similar to the tradition of Baptism in Christianity/Catholicism, where a child is bathed in holy water and receives God’s blessings. Also, during the festival, candles, incense, and bells are used to both call the attention of the goddess into a ritualistic space, but also to center her attention amongst two initiate priestesses of the Osun tradition. Third, there are many instances where altars are sed to place various objects, offerings, statues, etc. That call the attention of the divine, and create a space to worship their presence and their influence. Again, in many modern monotheistic and polytheistic religions, altars are used to worship a god (s) or goddess (es).