The Altar-native Perspective of Afto-Atlantic Religions 

Background Information

The concept of aṣe is ever present in the construction and use of Yoruba altars. In order to understand Yoruba art, you have to understand aṣe. Everything has aṣe, it is power, authority, energy, and it is vital. All objects on Yoruba altars have aṣe. Yoruba altars are constructed differently based on which oriṣa they are for, and who makes the altar. The consistency in objects that you may find on Yoruba altars would be the symbols and colors of the god that they are for. Blue and white would be on an altar for Yemoja, as well as symbols of the ocean and twin figures. Yemoja is the mother of the waters, she is associated with salt water, motherhood, children, the full moon, pregnancy, and women. She gave birth to fourteen other oriṣas, leading her to be the protector of children. Altars for her will also sometimes contain symbols of her son, Ṣango, the god of thunder. Yoruba altars can be general or they can be personal, and more often than not they are personal. There may be objects on an altar that are not traditional or not found on most altars for the oriṣa the altar is for. The oriṣas are not strangers to change, they welcome it, and so if something on an altar is not traditional, the oriṣas have no problem with it.

The Yoruba people are a people in southwestern and north-central Nigeria as well as southern and central Benin. During the transatlantic slave trade, many of the slaves that ended up in the Americas and in the Caribbean were Yoruba. The Yoruba religion mixed with Christianity and many oriṣas now have counterparts to Saints. Yemoja’s syncretized counterpart is Our Lady of Regla. Yemonja is linked with the oriṣa Olokun, who represents the bottom of the sea. According to Yoruba myths, Yemonja originated in the Oke Ogun area in Nigeria. She is often portrayed as the wife of different make oriṣas like Obatala and Orisha Oko. Oriṣas are sorted into two groups based on temperament. They are generally organized in the categories of “hot” and “cool/calm.” Yemoja is on the cool/calm side, whereas oriṣas like Ṣango or Ogun are “hot.” According to Yoruba cosmology Yemoja is said to be the mother of Ogun, Ṣango, Oya, Oṣun, Oba, Orisha Oko, Osoosi, and Babalauiye, but she was closest with her son, Ṣango.

The altar for Yemoja in the Fleming Museum is specifically for Yemoja of the One Cowrie Necklace. This Yemoja is specific to Professor Lorand Matory, who created this altar with help from a Yoruba priestess. This Yemoja’s personality reflects Professor Matory’s personality and his personality reflects hers. The altar features many traditional and nontraditional aspects of Yoruba altars.

Some of the nontraditional objects include the photos found on the altar. One of them (1) depicts a priest of Yemoja in Nigeria who commented on Professor Matory’s relationship with his now wife. The photographs represent Professor Matory’s relationship with his Yemoja and his personal history with the people of Yemoja. More traditional objects on the altar are the Ìbeji (3, 22) and the embodiment of Yemoja (25). There are the Ère Ìbejì Ìbẹẹ̀ta, which are triplet statuettes (3) and then there are the Ère Ìbejì, the twin figures (22). It is said that Yemoja took in the Ìbejì and raised them. In Yoruba culture, twins are special and viewed as magical, the Ìbejì represent motherhood and the protection of children on this altar. The embodiment of Yemoja, found in the middle of the altar, shows Yemoja as a mermaid within a large calabash vessel. Yemoja is usually depicted as a double-tailed mermaid due to her association with the river Ogun and with salt water. The river stone (27), is another water symbol to help bring Yemoja’s presence to the altar along with all the other objects.

Objects described in the item catalog are marked with numbers that correspond with the diagram of the altar shown above.

Another somewhat nontraditional object on the altar is a blue candle (11). Traditionally, lanterns are used, however, the lanterns are usually small earthenware dishes with a kind of mouth with a cotton wick sticking out, and when they’re lit they create a lot of smoke. The replacement of the lantern with the candle is an example of syncretism in African diasporic religions. The type of candle found on the altar is a kind of “safety” candle usually found in churches. It is also borrowed from Latin American traditions in religions like Santeria and Candomblé.

Although the altar is primarily for Yemoja, there are objects for Ṣango, Yemoja’s son, found on the altar. In Yoruba mythology, Yemoja was very close with her son Ṣango. He is honored on this altar with pink beads around the blue candle (11), a thunder staff (9), and the Aso Oke beneath all of the objects on the altar (28). Worship of Ṣango is often overlapped with the worship of Yemoja due to the familial connection between them.

It is not just aṣe that makes altars work, it is also the objects on them. Altars for Yemoja will have twin figures, water symbols, symbols of motherhood, and things that she likes, such as gin. Altars may be elaborate but they can also be simple. It is not how big or how extravagant an altar is that makes it work. Yoruba art is never created with the “art for art’s sake” mindset, it is always created with a mindset of “art for life’s sake.” Art is always created with a purpose and that purpose is part of the aṣe that the object has.

Yoruba altars are not usually constructed for museum exhibits. Putting them on display for others generally takes them out of cultural context and into a setting where they can be harder to understand. The altars are used to worship oriṣas and to communicate with them. The art on them is for the oriṣas and shows which oriṣa the altar is for. The objects are usually activated through their arrangement on the altar, ritual, food, water, and light. Once charged with aṣe, Yemoja can be called to and worshipped. The power of Yoruba art and the aṣe in the objects on the altar can bring an oriṣa’s presence to the altar where worshipers can personally connect with them and speak with them.

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Daniel Rodríguez is an initiated Santería priest, specifically a priest of Shango. His talk given on November 15th was focused on Cuban Santeria and was titled “Thrones of the Gods, Altars of the Soul. Rodríguez discussed the concept of Santería in today’s society and went over the significance of the Orishas represented in each piece in the birthday altar created in the Fleming Museum.

Due to recent events in our society, one major point of Rodríguez lecture was the negative notation associated with Santería. This is the reason why the word Santería has a negative reaction when said in today’s society because they associate this word with witchcraft. Rodríguez believed this was a very important topic to discuss to further understand the religion as a whole. He makes a point about the benefits that come from speakers like himself talking to a crowd about what is true about this religion.

The Afro-Cuban religion Santeria translated into “the way of Orisha” is a religion that was brought from Africa by slavery to the Caribbean. It is today the fasted nonmainstream religion in the world. It is based on a hierarchy which can be achieved by years of commitment to the religion and the Orishas. Rodríguez was initiated for 31 years, and over the years he has built himself to be a higher individual in the religion of Santeria, as a priest. When discussing the altar itself that is present in the exhibit in the Fleming Museum, Rodríguez makes a point to note that this is not what to expect for an individual like himself even though he has been a practitioner of Santeria since he was seven. When first initiated, an individual receives a few objects of a few specific Orisha. Initially, a practitioner only worships a small amount of Orisha and gradually can build up to gain more Orisha to worship. In sum, the altar in the Fleming Museum is a big extravagant representation of Santeria, but it does not represent the personal and simple altars found in homes of common initiates.

Yemoja is the goddess of this altar. Depicted by the arrangement of the altar, her high stance above all the other gods and goddesses surrounding her tells of her importance. The altar is also framed by blue fabrics, and her vessel is covered with white. Both these colors are associated with Yemoja. The other vessels are representing other gods and goddesses, but due to the shrine being devoted to Yemoja they must lie lower in height to honor her importance. This is an example of how the hierarchy is present in the religion of Cuman Santeria. Specific gods have positions in the religion. It is believed that Obatala is equivalent to Jesus. He is believed to have created all humans and all other Orisha. His high position is represented not only by their height in the altar but also their position from the center. Those closest to the center are thought to be higher in power.

Daniel Rodríguez’s talk on Cuban Santeria titled “Thrones of the Gods, Altars of the Soul was well worth attending. His topics of how Santeria is seen globally was fascinating to hear. I also took a lot from his analysis of the birthday altar. I knew previously that this was not an ordinary altar presented in average homes, but I was intrigued to hear that an initiate only starts out with very few Orisha to worship. I am curious to know how one gains Orisha to worship, how do individuals know which Orisha are right for them?

The Yoruba Altar dedicated to the orisa, Yemoja. In the center of the altar the stool for orisa that holds a large calabash vessel containing an iron mermaid figurine and cowrie and kola nut shells. This figurine represents Yemoja who is the goddess of the River Ogun. The necklace surrounding the vessel is an embodiment of Yemoja which is given by the private owner as a way to ask the goddess for her approval of the items assembled in the altar which embodies her. These objects all together make the highest part of the altar which represents its devotion to the goddess Yemoja. When worshiping Yemoja, her son Sango is frequently expressed in her dedicated altars.

The eye-catching blue quilt and colorful tablecloth on the stand is representative of Yemojas son Sango. Sango’s colors are red, green, orange, purple, and blue which are illustrated in the two cloths. The pink and red beaded necklace at the base of the candle is the embodiment of Sango while the blue candle is symbolic of Yemoja the water deity, in prior years lanterns were but due to modernization candles have been used instead.

The eye-catching blue quilt and colorful tablecloth on the stand is representative of Yemojas son Sango. Sango’s colors are red, green, orange, purple, and blue which are illustrated in the two cloths. The pink and red beaded necklace at the base of the candle is the embodiment of Sango while the blue candle is symbolic of Yemoja the water deity, in prior years lanterns were but due to modernization candles have been used instead.

The candles placement in the altar is to the front and center allowing those who want to worship the shrine may have easy access to the objects given to interact with the altar. Like the candle, the Ààja Òsun dídà or the netted bell placed at the front of the altar suggests that it is used to activate ase while worshiping the altar. Situated next to the candle is the Oṣé Ṣàngó or the double scepter dedicated to the God Sango. Possessed priests and priestesses carry this scepter. Do to its active role in the worshiping of Sango and Yemojam, its placement in this altar is directly in front of the stool for Orisa and offered for individuals to carry.

The two straw mats on the side and in front of the altar are also placed in such a way that allows for individuals to feel welcome to worship this Yoruba shrine. A silver bell is played flat on the front mat next to a basket where money can be offered and is used actively by worshipers. The river stone placed to the far right side of the altar is also an active piece of the altar. This smooth white river stone brings Yemojas presence to the altar and can be charged with ase by the worshiper to bring her presence to the altar further.Specific items like those mentioned before have a place on the altar easily accessible due to their involvement in worshipping Yemoja. Though the bottle of Gin is placed at the back of the altar and not as accessible as other offerings, the bottle is presented as an offering to the goddess. Gordon’s gin is used in prayers for longevity. This is because it is seen never to decay and represents ancestors because they have consumed it long ago.

Balance is represented in the layout of this altar. On either side of the center stool for orisa, there are identical rolled red fabrics and similar silver fans. On the left of the stool for Orisa is the larger fan and on the right is a smaller fan. Both are decorated with images of two fish and an abstract woman carrying a calabash on her head. These are symbols of Yemojas cooling nature and her possession of her priestess.

There are also calabashes on each side of the stool that holds the balance of the altar. On the left side is a brown pot decorated with blue and white dots. This calabash is also decorated with offerings of coal, nuts, sacrificial chicken, guinea fowl and duck feathers. On the right side balancing out the previous calabash is the Yoruba sacred vessel. This pot is shaped like a head once painted with red, white, and blue pigments; its surface decorated with marks which were made to represent a face. Contained in the vessel are cowry shells and stones and water for the river Ogun. These offerings signify Yemoja and her involvement as the goddess of the river. This particular vessel could be used to carry water from the river to the shrine to pour as an offering during festivals like Osun-Osogbo, its active involvement as an offering piece is also a reason why this vessel has a place at the front of the altar.

The statuettes of Triplets and the Twin figurines called Ère Ìbejì are balanced on either side of the altar. The triplets are kept together on the far left-hand side of the stool for orisa. These three figurines consisting of two boys and one girl are figurines that are protected by Yemojas son, Shango. These are seen to be very significant and must be cared for as children. These statuettes are not the center of the altar like the shrine to Yemoja but are still seen as objects needing caring for due to their symbolic representations. On the far right side away from the triplets are the twin figurines. These like the triplets are not presented as the center of the altar but are highly emphasized as to ensure safety between the two which is why they must be placed together. These figures are bathed and fed as if they were living similar to the triplets on the opposite side of the altar.

The Ile Ori or Yoruba House of the Head placed on the far left side of the altar but is considered a significant piece. Its visual symbolism is a house made of leather, kijipa (handwoven cloth), cowrie shells, and mirrors. It is a physical representation of the owners inner head. Owners of this object will pray directly to it and offer animal sacrifices to ask for good fortune. Its position on the altar is farthest to the left of the stool of orisa but is equally as important. Just as important as these two objects are the Opa Osun.  This item sits farthest right from the center but is worthy of attention. The tall rusted object is depicted as the fate of the owner. It is strictly thought never to lie it on its side while the person in possession of the object is alive. Just as the stool of Orisa is presented with offerings to keep Yemoja happy and content, this object is given offerings and kept upright to preserve and enrich the life of the one in possession.

The creator of the altar, Professor Matory contributed personal photographs to the altar dedicated to Yemoja. The orisa of his head is the goddess Yemoja. Therefore he found it significant to include his objects that represent who Yemoja is to him. The family members and influential people or places are shown in the pictures and bring energy to the altar so a ritual can be given. These four photographs were placed throughout the altar. The pictures visualizing a door to a Yemoja shrine and the outside window of his house where he made connections with the Yemoja priests are placed by the Ile Ori representing that Yemoja is his orisa of his head. The other two photos depict essential people that have brought him to the place that he is now.

The staff (paxoro) for the God Oxalufa is my object of interest for this analysis. The uniqueness of this object was very compelling to my eye. I walked around the museum, and my eyes and mind stumbled upon a high staff surrounded by various crowns. Mounted on a block, standing about 5 feet tall stood this particular all silver staff. At the top of the staff is a silver crown with a single standing dove up on top. Hanging out of the mouth of the dove is a silver pendant of a bell. Pendants fall from the bottom of the crown in symbols of bells, mortars, fish, butterflies, and feathers. Approximately halfway from the top of the staff down to the middle of the staff are six equally placed tier-like structures. Starting from the topmost tier, slightly under the crown and then going down, each tier progressively gets larger. Identical to the crown mounted at the top of the staff, each of the tiers has the same pendants hanging from them. Each pendant represents an Orisha or God of the Candomblé religion. Visually analyzing this object lead to my curiosity about the use of this object and the symbolism this piece provides the individual who uses it in the Candomblé religion. Through research of the God associated with this staff, I was able to figure out the meaning and its interpretation to those who are in possession of the staff.

The religion this object is associated with is the religion of Candomblé, an Afro-Brazilian religion. Candomblé was founded in the late eighteenth century around Bahia. The elements in Candomblé resemble aspects of Yoruba religion. This decent of Candomblé from Yoruba was due to the prominent practice of the Yoruba religion among slaves. Candomblé focuses on the traditional dispensing of sacraments to the orixas or spirits or deities. Specifically, this object is for the orixa Oxalufa also known as Oxalá or Obatala.

This staff is meant to be a symbol of higher power and higher authority. It’s relation to the God Oxalá gives those in possession of the staff the view that they are a superior and are a follower of Oxalá. The staff is a symbol of power and the mixture of this and the association with the supreme God gives the staff the symbolism of royal power or authority power. The dove at the top of the staff symbolizes that purity of Oxalá. The dove is also the preferred sacrificial animal to give to Oxalá. This purity and power are shown through the staff with its numerous pendants. Each pendant has an association with another orixa or God in the Candomblé religion. For example, the pendant of the fish represents the goddess of the sea Iemanja, and the butterfly represents the goddess Iansa. Oxalá is the father or the senior brother to each other orixas. Therefore, their involvement in the staff dedicated to Oxalá symbolizes his authority to all kinds, Gods, and humankind. The style and presentation of this staff are essential, “Purity of sculptural presentation; symmetry; balance: these qualities can memorably imply iwa. Iwa also means custom, the traditional ways of life” (Thomson 1983, 11). This staff respectfully implies iwa, its carefully crafted pendants and balance of the tiers reflects a simple and traditional style of art. This finely crafted object is seen to be a symbol of authority and purity given explicitly to the highest elder in charge.

The orixa Oxalá is known in the Candomblé religion as the father of all Gods and the creator of humankind. He is known as the high God or the supreme God and is also the seniority figure. This position was gained by his high moral standards and the integrity of his priests and worshipers. Oxalá is visualized as the oldest of the orixas and walks with the staff to support his hunched over body. Each aspect of this staff is meant to represent Oxalá himself, “The orisha, or deities, in the Yoruba pantheon, distinguish themselves in altars by their colors, food, banners, and icons” (Thompson 1995, 51). In respect to his staff, silver is known to be one of his colors and white is also related to him. These two colors are represented by Oxalá because they are seen to be the simplest and purest colors. Seniority, purity, and whiteness are all used to describe him. White clothing is broadly associated with Candomblé but is more specifically worn by Oxalá worshipers. In the Candomblé religion the festival of Bonfim is a large gathering of people to celebrate the God Bonfim, “Bonfim had come to be identified with Oxalá, old king of all the Orixas; his colour is white, and he descended from heaven so that the intensively bright hill of Bonfim was his ‘natural site’” (ROCA, ROGER SANSI 2005, 184). This festival, though dedicated to Bonfim, is closely associated with Oxalá himself. The white color is suggestive of both Gods.

Specifically, leaders like Magalhães represents Oxalá in this particular festival, “Magalhães is the single most powerful political figure in Bahia and has been present at Bonfim since his periods in office as mayor of the city in the early 1970s. Despite his advancing years, Magalhães dressed in white, wore the necklaces of Oxalá and led the procession with a remarkable vitality. Often referred to by his initials ACM, or simply as ‘Cabeça Branca’ (‘white head’), Magalhães is strongly linked to Candomble and is a ‘son’ of Oxalá” (ROCA, ROGER SANSI 2005, 189). ACM participates in this festival by dressing in all white and bringing vessels of water to the house of Oxalá. Though the staff may not be present during this festival, the staff is representative of the power of the highest power and their purity and authority.

In an altar created by Mai Jocelinha in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, two staffs of Oxalá are placed on either side of a white draped cloth making it look like Oxalá as the center with the crown on his head (Thompson 1995, 51). In front are white and silver offerings including bells, white flowers, metals and ceramic tiles. This altar is meant to convey Oxalás glory, honesty, and purity. The staffs on either side of the altar are to signify the maturity and wisdom of the eldest figures. Their presence in this altar, especially their placement next to the God-like figure made out of the cloths represent their use as an object portraying royalty and power.

The representation of authority and seniority are given off by the staff of Oxalá. All figures in possession of this staff are not questioned to have high power in their community. Usually, these characters are the eldest authority or priests who are in possession of this staff. The pendants that hang from each of the tiers are heard to make the noise associated with Oxalá. Metals striking against each other is the sound of Oxalá walking with the staff to support him. Staffs are a royalty symbol, and in the Candomblé religion, this particular staff is seen similarly as a way to identify a person of higher power.

My initial thoughts about researching this object were about the use of this staff in particular festivals or rituals for Oxalá. A lot of my research was centered on Oxalá himself to find the significance of the staff.  The staff itself I see is not very significant in the way that it is used but more in its symbolism for those in possession. Most uses of this object are detected in altars or directly used by the highest elder to hold to show his authority. The significance of the staff mostly comes from the pendants and the structure of the physical object which come together to bring meaning to the reason why someone may be in possession of this object.

Staff of Oxala Annotated Bibliography

Beier, U. 1956. Nigeria magazine: Obatala festival, 10-28.

Cahn, Peter S. “Brazil.” In Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, 2nd ed., edited by

Harding, Rachel E. “Afro-Brazilian Religions.” In Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd ed., edited by

Lindsay Jones, 119-125. Vol. 1. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005. Gale Virtual Reference Library

ROCA, ROGER SANSI. “Catholic Saints, African Gods, Black Masks and White Heads: Tracing the History of Some Religious Festivals in Bahia.” Portuguese Studies 21 (2005): 182-200.

Thomas Riggs, 217-226. Vol. 2, Countries, Afghanistan to Ghana. Farmington Hills, MI: Gale, 2015. Gale Virtual Reference Library

Thompson, Robert Farris. “Face of the Gods: The Artists and Their Altars.” African Arts 28, no. 1                   (1995): 50-61.

Thompson, Robert Farris. Flash of The Spirit. New York, New York: Random House Inc, 1983

I am studying the staff of the God Oxalá who is the oldest of the orishas. He is the orisha of purity and whiteness and owns the head. He walks hunched over using the staff to support him. Oxalá is syncretized with Jesus Christ just like other orishas are associated with Catholic saints. He is the father of all Orisha and the owner of all Ori. The oldest avatar of Oxalá carries this significant staff or paxorô.

Oxalás colors are white and silver, this is represented in the silver six-tiered staff. The top holds a crown symbolizing his power and a dove representing peace and his preferred sacrificial animal. Hanging on each of the tiers are pendants meant to represent Oxalá himself and the other orishas associated with him. On each of the six tiers which stick out like umbrellas are attached pendants including shapes of fish, mortars, bells, butterflies, and feathers. Each pendant represents one of the orishas. An example is the fish pendant represents the sea Iemanjã.

To find more information about the paxorô of
Oxalá I will use the UVM library to find books explaining the use of the staff in religious practices. Primary and secondary sources found on the internet may also aid me to find how the significance of the paxorô for personhood. Duke University’s site on the sacred arts of the Black Atlantic also gives information on the symbolism of the pendants which can represent its function in society. 

The African diaspora religion was stripped from its roots during the slave trade. Communities were forced out of their homeland and shipped all over the Americas. This forceful movement of these people stripped individuals of their origins and identity. Practitioners of the African diaspora religion tend to look past the wrongfulness of their movement and look for a much more positive mindset; their religion and culture has managed to spread all over.

Oṣogbo is the largest city in Africa and is the heart of the African diaspora religion. It is known as Yoruba land and brings thousands of pilgrims every year to the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival which celebrates Oṣun. This festival is held every August and welcomes everyone. Practitioners and nontraditionalists pack the streets of Oṣogbo learning and joining in on traditions of the African diaspora.

The festival begins with the welcoming of local Orisha. This is done with personal offerings to your personal Orisha. One may have a shrine with various items and offerings to your Orisha. As a community, the lighting of an ancient lamp represents the welcoming of Oṣun in the Yoruba kingdom. A significant part of the lighting ceremony is when the King and other political leaders come together to dance around the fire to welcome Oṣun. The presence of the King and political leaders represents the union between political powers and spiritual powers.

Privately, priests come together in a sacred ceremony to bless new priests. These newly blessed individuals are asked to give their hair to their Orisha as a way to symbolize all the negative powers leaving and the new growth to be positive and blessed. The Ifá, which is the scripture of the Yoruba people, contains the history, practices, beliefs, and traditions written. Priests foretell the future using the Ifá allowing individuals like the new priests to rewrite their story and pray for the things that they want.

Throughout the festival, an important site of worship is Oṣun’s sacred grove. Many shrines are placed here and it contains the sacred river where many sacrifices are made to Oṣun. A tradition of the African Diaspora is to worship history. At Oṣun’s sacred grove in Oṣogbo, Nigeria, it is the origin of Oṣun’s power. This is why during the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival this grove is the spotlight of worship. Another part of history they worship is their past kings. The ceremony of the crowns involves the crowns of the past 18 kings that have ruled Oṣogbo. Each is blessed by the community and by Oṣun.

An important component of the African diaspora religion is clothing fabrics. It is believed that the patterns and colors of one’s clothes are associated with your Orisha. Those who take part in making the clothing, like those who make indigo clothing, are seen as Oṣun’s disciples.

All these traditions bring the African diaspora give the community a sense of being active and engaged with their beliefs. Simple objects like prayer bells bring traditions to life and allow the worshipers to connect with their Orisha. Humans and Orisha’s are meant to be connected and the Orisha’s goal is to help reinforce humanity’s role that humans and animals thrive and survive.