Votary Esu Rough Analysis

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One of the most striking pieces displayed at the Spirited Things: Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic is the statue of Esu found at the front of the exhibition. A picture of the statue can be found at the bottom of this post, courtesy of the Sacred Arts website. The sculpture is carved from wood, measures twenty-two inches tall, and rests on a circular base with a diameter of about ten inches. Esu, the trickster orisha, is depicted on horseback, surrounded by ritual assistants. The figures surrounding Esu are far less intricate than the orisha himself, who is flush with detail and variety.
The purpose of this essay is to examine the details of this representation of Esu, provide analysis of the individual components of the statue, compare this Esu to other representations of the orisha, and to examine how this Esu corresponds with the African Diaspora. The significance of Esu’s position, possessions, and ritual assistants will be examined. Another focus of this essay will be the physical depiction of Esu and its deeper meanings.
Esu is one of the most important of the Yoruba orishas. He is not, as previously thought, only associated with decisions and not a part of daily human life. On the contrary, “Almost every traditional household, clan or village, every devotee (irrespective of the cult to which he or she belongs) has the symbol and worship of Esu,” (Awolalu 29).
It is through Esu that people can contact and request assistance from the other orishas. Esu, a messenger, carries messages between the orishas and humans. However, Esu is a malevolent trickster. Esu sometimes carries messages to their destination, but sometimes willfully forgets them or takes them to the wrong destination. When this occurs, havoc is wreaked in the mortal world. Esu is not a fool or an easily duped trickster, but a powerful orisha who commands respect and has harsh consequences for those who fail to show it (Ogundipe 193). Esu must be appeased or he is more likely to be unreliable in his messenger duties.
At this point, it is important to stress that Esu is not an evil, malevolent, or harmful orisha. Esu has often been misinterpreted as the devil, or being a purely evil being. “He tempts people, but that does not mean that he is against the human race or will do only harm,” (Awolalu 28).
Esu is also the lord of the crossroads, beginnings, and endings. When a person faces a crossroads or difficult decision, Esu is present and guides travelers. However, he may lead them down the wrong path. The duality found in Esu’s nature (he can either help or harm) is reflected in physical depictions of Esu. Esu is often depicted with a protrusion from the rear of his head, ranging from a serpent (as used in this stature) to more phallic depictions (Ogundipe 157).
Esu is a connection between Yoruba and Western religion. Janus, the Roman god, has a role similar to Esu. Janus is the god of gateways, beginnings and endings, and crossroads, a very similar description of Esu’s duties, minus the messaging. Janus is depicted as having two faces, representing his duality. Esu and his two-headed depictions very similarly represent duality. Depictions of both gods have influenced the other’s depiction since their creation. The meaning and representation of both gods have influenced diasporic religions that have blossomed from Yoruba.
The details of this depiction of Esu shed significant insight into what the creator believed about the orisha. Esu is mounted on a horse, and, although now missing, probably carried a flywhisk in his right hand. Both the horse and the flywhisk signify royalty and military prowess. That Esu is depicted in this manner is indicative that Esu was highly revered among followers of Yoruba. The attendants following Esu are depictions of devout followers, who in real life would be special priests and priestesses dedicated to Esu. These attendants carry various medicinal herbs and other ritual items. Esu’s mounted position and close-at-hand devotees symbolize his power, might, and royalty. In many depictions, Esu is portrayed with long hair, uncommon among Yoruba people except for the powerful and royalty (Ogundipe 171). In most portrayals of Esu, it is clear that he is highly respected and revered.
Esu is often depicted with a protrusion from his head, signifying his duality. In this sculpture, the artist chose to create a serpent emerging from the rear of Esu’s skull. The serpent has its own face, and is devouring a helpless animal. This brutal depiction contrasts to a benevolent humanoid Esu portrayed on the other side. The contrast between the two sides of Esu’s head signifies that Esu can be helpful and resourceful, or can be cruel and damning. The power and might Esu has is exaggerated within this depiction.
One of the most interesting aspects of this depiction of Esu is the humanoid face. This wooden Esu has facial scars why typify a specific people foreign to Yorubaland. Esu is also depicted with a beard typical of the Hausa People. The Hausa mjare a Muslim ethnic group native to northern Africa. However, to the Yoruba, the Hausa are a foreign population. Why would a Yoruba depiction of Esu cast him as a foreigner instead of a native? The conventional dialogue would have Esu depicted as a native and the Yoruba a descendant.
In my research I discovered that it is common for not just Esu but all orisha to be depicted a hailing from a foreign land. The Yoruba had great respect for their foreign neighbors. Depicting their gods with characteristics typical of their neighbors is a clear-cut example for the love and respect the Yoruba showed to foreigners. This depiction of Esu is therefore helpful in establishing that the Yoruba were kind to neighbors. Upon further examination, this claim is reinforced by evidence showing Yoruba respect for trans-local persons.
Unlike many other religions, Yoruba and most diasporic religions are very welcoming of foreign persons and concepts. Diasporic religions often incorporate symbols, signs, and powers from other religions such as Christianity into their practice. In some cases, this was just an easy way to refresh old concepts. In others, followers were able to worship their religion inconspicuously where it was not tolerated. Examples of rephrasing Yoruba doctrine into Christian terms include Santeria using Our Lady of Charity and Cobre as a representation of the orisha Oshun. This flexibility and hybridity were essential to the life and proliferation of many diasporic religions as native Africans expanded across the globe.
This statue of Esu would be used to adorn an indoor shrine. It would be at sacred processions for a specific orisha. It would carry messages from worshippers to the orisha which they hope to communicate with, and would send messages from the spirit world to the mortal one. This statue would appeal for an orisha’s benevolent intervention in the mortal world. Its important duties make this sculpture an essential part of an altar.
The two-foot wooden sculpture of Esu found in the Spirited Things exhibit is rife with intricate detail and symbolic meaning. Every part of Esu’s depiction has deeper meaning than face value. Esu’s prominent position, his follower’s worships, his facial depiction, and his serpent protrusion all have significant meaning and help to establish what the Yoruba people thought and believed in relating to Esu.

Bibliography:
Falola, Toyin. Èṣù : Yoruba God, Power, and the Imaginative Frontiers / Edited by Toyin Falola. Carolina Academic Press African World Series. 2013. pp.18-20

Ogundipe, Ayodele. Esu Elegbara, the Yoruba God of Chance and Uncertainty : A Study in Yoruba Mythology / by Ayodele Ogundipe. 1978, 1978. pp.151-193.

Awolalu, Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. 1979, 1979. pp. 28-30

Coming to Terms With Adversity: The Value of Theodicy in Haiti

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Noah Stommel

On Wednesday evening, Donald J. Cosentino spoke at the Fleming Museum in a lecture titled “Why Did Gede Let This Happen? Catastrophe and Theodicy in 21st Century Haitian Vodou.” I believe he was invited to speak at the exhibit because of his experience writing and teaching on topics associated with African-diasporic religions, particularly Vodou, also commonly known as voodoo. As Professor of Culture and Performace at UCLA, he has written distinctive research articles on Vodou, such as “Vodou Things: The Art of Pierrot Barra and Marie Cassaise” (UCLA African Studies Center). His expertise in the field of Vodou was especially relevant to the Fleming exhibit because of the Haitian Vodou altar that was a key part of it.

One of the most prevalent themes of Cosentino’s lecture was that of theodicy in Vodou and the greater Haitian culture. Since the beginning of its history as a French colony, Haiti has always been plagued by suffering and inequalities. Ever since gaining independence of brutal slavery in 1804, Haiti has been the setting of endless catastrophe, most recently in the form of the 2010 earthquake that killed an estimated 250,000 people, followed by a subsequent cholera epidemic. Other social and ecological disasters, such as riots, hurricanes, and devastating flooding have desolated the island nation. Theodicy’s relevance is seen in that despite the destitution of Haiti, Haitians still find it within themselves to praise God, uttering a saying translating to “God is good”. Cosentino explained throughout his lecture how Haitian tradition explains the absence of God in its times of desperation, and how Haitians come to terms with their misfortune through spiritual understanding.

Haiti is an interesting place, Cosentino explained, due to the heavy mixing of religious values. He described Haitian religious demographics as being 80% Catholic, 20% Protestant, and 100% Vodou. Christian saints, brought to Haiti by French colonists, have evolved into Vodou spirits, otherwise known as Lwa. This pertains to topics we discussed in class such as that of creolization, which “has most often referred to cultures formed through and in colonial situations blending, for example, European languages and practices with … African ones” (Johnson 759). The concept of creolization gives me a stronger understanding of how Haitian Vodou incorporates themes in its religion closely pertaining to those of Christianity. These Lwa who embody Christian saints, and notably Gede, the manifestation of those who died in the Middle Passage during the slave trade, are highly relevant when discussing the commonplace suffering that strikes Haiti.

Cosentino discussed Gede’s role in Haiti’s devastating earthquake of 2010. According to Cosentino, Haitians believe that Gede himself was afraid of the earthquake and fled the Earth. As the spirit of the dead, he only returned once most of the victims had been hastily buried. In a place so influenced by death and destruction, religious practitioners emphasize

“the key role of the community in the interpretation and application of the wisdom of the spirits. Thus, the public airing of community problems and issues… is a means of … mobilizing the assistance of the community, and mending broken relationships. It is, in short, a way of healing” (McCarthy Brown 14).

I have come to understand that Haitian Vodou practitioners do not make excuses for the absence of the Lwa in their struggles, but rather find meaning for their absence through religious values and community acceptance. Cosentino brought to my attention the value of Haitian art in this way of thinking as well. What Cosentino called “the art of desperation” helps Haitians to embrace adversity from a philosophical standpoint, and also to understand the role of the Lwa in their lives. I learned from Cosentino that this art, which the religion has become known for (although not for necessarily appropriate reasons), is heavily influential not only in religious life, but the daily lives of people engulfed by tumult on the island.

I also noticed how Cosentino compared the explanation for the absence of Gede during the earthquake to the absence of God in other catastrophes, such as the Holocaust. Now that I think of it, I would be interested in asking Cosentino what other parallels he can draw between Vodou and greater Haitian culture to other events in our world. This would be a valuable question because I think all religions try to attribute events on Earth to actions or lack thereof of higher beings.

 

 

Bibliography

Johnson, Paul C. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion, edited by Michael Stausberg and Steve Engler, 759. Oxford: Oxford           University Press, 2016.

McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Afro-Caribbean Spirituality: A Haitian Case Study.” In Vodou            in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, edited by Claudine Michel and   Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, N.p.: Palgrave Macmillann.d.

University of California Los Angeles African Studies Center. Accessed October 26,           2017. http://www.international.ucla.edu/africa/person/167.

 

 

“Ugly But We’re Here”

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Alyssa Falco

I had the pleasure of attending Donald Cosentino lecture, “Why do the Gods let this happen? Vodou in the 21st century”. Donald Cosentino is a professor at the University of California-Los Angeles in World Arts and Cultures. Therefore, he is a professional in his field. He does a lot of his research focusing on the middle passage. He has a great love for the arts and for people who make the arts. He was the Co-editor for the Journal of African Arts. Professor Cosentino finds his love in the Haitian Vodou religion. He has studied for a number of years and finds a passion in this, therefore, he is the perfect man to talk about such a different religion. The Haitian vodou altar is one that is found in the exhibition and one that is very colorful and full of flags which was a big topic of discussion for Professor. Therefore, again making him a great choice to discuss this religion.

Throughout the lecture he talked about the arts and how and why Haiti is still a country today. He refers to the gods as well and how their attitudes and their characteristics reflect on what kind of art may be developed based in them. He used flags to symbolize or show important historical events. He used the middle passage as the reason why Haiti is the way it is today. His main point was to help us understand that even through all the hardships Haiti had, the artwork and the haitian vodou religion never faded. He says this quote to conclude; “ugly but we’re here.” This meaning that even though bad things happen and that may be the gods doing, they never go away, for the good or the bad. They are simply always present. Professor Cosentino finds this idea very powerful. The art is not only art but it tells a story, historical stories as well, not just myths. He realizes that a whole country was build on something so awful. Slavery was a horrible thing, but without it, would Haiti be where they are today?

Professor Cosentino talks a lot about the arts and history, in our class we talk about the art of different religions and how it relates to the altar that it may sit on. What we also talk about is how the world has made these religions, especially the haitian vodou religion, into something that it’s not. The art in the haitian religion has its own story. It tells the hardships of what the religion may have gone through. There was a piece he showed called Danbala La Flambeau. This was of a god who was once recognized as an old and wise god to now being known as the flaming god. Showing that because of events like the hurricane in 2010 that destroyed Haiti, the perspective on these gods may change. Thus changing, their story or their culture and how they perceive the gods all together. Making art and its meaning something that is extremely important in the fact that it will will also tell outsiders about their religion and it may give them an idea about that religion without knowing the whole story, thus the media is given this information and alters it into thinking that maybe the vodou religion isn’t a good one but in reality, they have been through hell and back and are expressing that through their art. During the talk he mentioned a little bit about other religions and how they may have some certain aspects that are also a part of the haitian religion as well, which goes back to the idea of hybridity. That this religion isn’t pure, that no religion is pure. It will never be just catholicism or just judaism just like it will never be haitian vodism.

The talk overall was informative. It was hard to look at the religion in a scholar point of view. However, it brought up some clear points and made those connections to better allow me to better understand the class aspects. It brought up more examples of hybridity and of the altars and the religion as a whole. I do think it was worth going to have an artistic take on the haitian religion. I feel as though I was looking for more of a zombie comparison and a little bit more detail about the religion and less about Haiti’s history. If that was the one thing I could change, it would be that. Personally art isn’t something I desperately enjoy, however, the way he connected the art to the history and then to the gods themselves was easier and more pleasing for myself to understand.

 

Angles, Ori, and Destiny: annotated bibliography

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Drewal, Pemberton & Abiodun, The Yoruba World. Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers, New York, (date needed), pp. 26-33

I found this excerpt from a book via our class readings list and skimming through until I found any reference to my subject matter. A section in this chapter touches on the fundamental significance of the head and what the ori inu is. The authors go on to write about ile ori (house of the the head) as well as ibori (head container). Including in detail the materials used, as well as how it represents a person’s individuality. This seems like a great resource for providing an introduction to the Ile Ori in my object analysis.

Through this chapter we seem to be looking at strict facts with little room for opinion. I think the reader gets an inside scoop so to speak as Abiodun is a nigerian and practitioner of the religion itself. I think that having three separate authors for a piece helps separate personal opinions from the text.

 

Desmangles, Leslie G. The Faces of the Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill & London, 1992, pp. 64-68

I was recommended this book by the librarian when I met with her. We found the book through CAT Quest using the keywords Vodun, Voudou, Vodou, Voodoo, Bonnanj, Bonanj, Zanj, Angels, and Angel. In the cited section the concepts of gwo-bon-anj and ti-bon-anj are described. A remarkable similarity between these personal spirits and one’s ori inu can be drawn. Desmangles goes over many aspects of the “communal self” including how one participates in visible and invisible communities, as well as the many spirits governing one’s human experiences. It may be too early to draw conclusions yet, though at a glance it may appear that the yoruba concepts of ori inu and ifa roughly translated into guardian angel spirits tending their person’s destiny.

Desmangles leaves out some information she considers unimportant. The reader only receives a filtered view of the multiple “compartments of the spirit”, only seeing what Desmangles considers valid/important/relevant enough to be put into her book. To quote her: “…and they need not be discussed here in detail;”(66) this leads me to believe there may be other things that “need not be discussed.” So I may be getting an incomplete picture.

 

Abimbola, ‘Wande Ifa: An Exposition of Ifa Literary Corpus. Oxford University Press Nigeria, Ibadan, 1976, pp. 113-118

I found this book during my meeting with the librarian as well. I used the keywords Ifa, Ori, and Yoruba in a CAT Quest search. The majority of the book is on various aspects and properties of Ifa, yet one chapter explains the significance of Ori in relation to man’s choice of destiny. A particularly interesting tidbit described is that the Yoruba regard Ori as one of the gods of their pantheon. Abimbola goes on to say that in some ways, Ori is the greatest god of all because Ori is each individual’s personal deity “who is expected to be more interested in his personal affairs than the other gods…”(114). Going off on a tangent here, this reminds me of Haitian Abimbola quotes a great deal of sayings, proverbs, and other yoruba oral literature. Lastly he writes everyone has a destiny even the gods, who will also consult Ifa and Ori to inquire about the course of their destiny.

Abimbola is a yoruba man from Nigeria. He actually wrote this book based off his PhD thesis which he submitted in 1969 to the University of Lagos. He has a lot of first hand experience with yoruba tradition being nigerian and immersed in the religion since childhood. He seems quite credible and if anything gives too much extraneous information. I do not know for sure if he’s a practitioner of orisa worship though I believe it’s a safe assumption.

Staff of Oxala Annotated Bibliography

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Beier, U. 1956. Nigeria magazine: Obatala festival, 10-28.

I found this article in the EBSCOhost Anthropology Plus database by searching Obatala AND Rites AND Ceremonies. These keywords gave me a source that was full of information on practices associated with Obatala, not just his background and meaning. Throughout the article, Obatala is referenced as the Great one and the supreme God. He is known to be the father of mankind and of all other gods. He is the figure of seniority and of a higher power. His worshipers are seen to have a great measure of kindness and tolerance in them which symbolizes Obatala as the father of all kinds.

The author of this article references the fluidity of the belief of Obatala. They say how the idea of Obatala creating mankind out of clay is a very widespread idea. The folk tails behind each Orisha can vary among perspectives. The author does a good job examining various perspectives and traditions associated with Obatala.

ROCA, ROGER SANSI. “Catholic Saints, African Gods, Black Masks and White Heads: Tracing the History of Some Religious Festivals in Bahia.” Portuguese Studies 21 (2005): 182-200.

I found this source in JSTOR by searching ‘Obatala OR Oxala’ AND Candomble. These keywords brought together sources that related the religion of Candomble with the Orishas and their meaning to certain festivals or rituals. The article goes into explaining ritual ceremonies for the Orishas and how certain colors and objects represent different Orishas. White and water are significant to Oxala and it is emphasized ceremonies in his name are commonly private. It also emphasizes the role of the higher power leaders and their association with Oxala. The high rank and royal power associated with a king/lord is believed to be correlated with Oxala.

Thompson, Robert Farris. “Face of the Gods: The Artists and Their Altars.” African Arts 28, no. 1 (1995): 50-61.

To find this source I searched JSTOR with the keywords Obatala OR Oxala AND Altars. These keywords brought me to this source that anaylzes altars of certain gods. This article captures a picture of an altar with four objects in it. Each object symbolizes Obatala in a certain way. I chose this as a source because in the description of the altar it analyzes the objects by who they symbolize. Even though a staff symbolizes Obatala in the way that a staff means power and authority. Specifically, in this altar which is meant to protect Obatalas honor eternally, the staff is dedicated to Osanyin, the doctor.

The creator of this altar is a priest of Obatalainitiated in 1970. He has done a variety of studies on the Yoruba culture across the world. The writer of the article is a different person than the creator of the altar itself. His goal is to break down the altar and bring meaning to each of the objects that make it up as a whole. This is done by extensive knowledge of the Yoruba religion. Thompson breaks the objects down into who they represent but he leaves what makes up the objects themselves up for grabs. He even includes a picture of the objects zoomed in but neglects to identify the significance of the materials they are made out of.

Sacred Yoruba Tradition: Staff of Fate (Opa Osun)

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Abiodun, Rowland. Yoruba Art and Language: Seeking the African in African Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107239074.

This source was found using JSTOR, a database of digital articles, books, and primary sources centered around academia. The key words “Yoruba” and “art” were used to distinguish the source among others on the database. A specific chapter of the book titled “Ase” was targeted because objects in Yoruba art culture are accepted to be synthesizing the concept of Ase. An excerpt from the chapter details a staff that is strikingly similar to the Opa Osun; the Opa Orere. The staff is a tool of an Ifa priest, held in the right hand vertically and used during professional gatherings to establish Ase in the context of a ceremony. The staff is also noted to have the ability to solve one’s problems by literally and metaphorically implementing Ifa’s orders. It is also mentioned that Ase is transferable to successive staffs that mark the start of a new reign. Upon reading this article, it is learned that staffs in Yoruba culture are potent with Ase.

Professor Abiodun was born in a Nigerian region known as Yorubaland, so Yoruba culture is very personal by his account. A well-studied art historian, his goals in the work are to educate readers on the significance of various sacred objects sourced from Yoruba civilization. His careful consideration of all viewpoints and traditions allows for an accurate description of evidence for information provided in his book. In turn, the source can be regarded as highly relevant.

Drewal, Margaret Thompson, and Henry John Drewal. “An Ifa Diviner’s Shrine in Ijebuland.” African Arts 16, no. 2 (1983): 61-100. doi:10.2307/3335852.

This source was found using CAT Quest, a database containing a collection of UVM library content as well as digital articles and other peer-reviewed resources. For this source, the name of the object itself was used as a search tool. In this journal article, an alternative use of the Opa Osun staff is presented. It is stated that a tale involving Orunmila and the sacrifice of a cock is a centerpiece of the staff’s function. During a particular formal ceremony known as the Itefa ceremony, the babalawo will face osun by sacrificing a cock and placing the individual parts of it on the Osun staff. By mounting parts of the cock on the staff, death is “satisfied” and osun benefits from the nourishment of the cock’s blood. This use of the Opa Osun staff is astonishing because the staff is likened to a weapon of a babalawo to conquer death.

Professor Drewal is well accustomed to West African art, as he apprenticed a sculptor in Nigeria during his time spent there. With an interdisciplinary specialization in African art history, Drewal’s perspective can be seen as accurate due to the fact that he has primary exposure to the topics he discusses, not just a view from afar. Professor Thompson, a ritual performance ethnographer, has also studied ritual performances of West Africa in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Both professors seem to write with the goal of informing those who are foreign to specific objects and symbols found in an Ifa Diviner’s shrine. The objects found in the shrine are representative of universal concepts in Yoruba art.

Okediji, Moyo. “Art of the Yoruba.” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 23, no. 2 (1997): 165-98. doi:10.2307/4104382.

The source was found using JSTOR, a database of digital articles, books, and primary sources. The key words “art” and “Yoruba” were used to pinpoint the source. In this article, the historical context of art in Yorubaland is explained using a time scale that starts with Kingdom flourishment in Western Africa. The abstract and realist characteristics of Yoruba art are explicitly outlined in the article, and the writing style caters to individuals who are unfamiliar with orisha tradition. This source acts as a term bank for research, as many of the concepts explored in the work such as the bird motif are relevant to the Opa Osun.

Professor Okediji studied fine arts of the University of Ife, as well as the University of Benin. He has shadowed several African artists working in the creation of sacred Yoruba sculpture and design. These accolades partnered with his teaching experience in Nigeria make his work appropriate to apply to research findings. He acknowledges that the audience he is writing to is relatively new to the concept of Yoruba art, so he is careful with his use of terminology without proper explanation. Direct contact with the content he describes creates an insightful article for readers to learn about the complexity of West African art.

 

Jamie Bottino

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Understanding the Pakèt Kongo for Ezili Dantò Annotated Bibliography

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McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Ezili.” In Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn, 219-58. University of California Press, 2010.

This book was found through articles on JSTOR. The title was mentioned in many of the articles I found on Ezili Dantò. I read the chapter on the three Ezilis, focusing on the section about Ezili Dantò. The main idea of the section on Ezili Dantò was that above all else she is a mother. She is a healer, a protector, and a warrior. The chapter had stories about what the Vodou priestess Mama Lola and her family have experienced with Ezili Dantò. Altars for the goddess usually have money, clothes, and dolls on them and none of the items are ever used by anyone in the family. The chapter gave background on the goddess and what she stands for. Ezili Dantò fought in the Haitian slave revolution alongside her children (the Haitian slaves) and during the revolution she was wounded ending up with two parallel, vertical scars on one of her cheeks. Ezili Dantò also cannot speak because during the revolution her people believed that she wouldn’t keep their secrets so they cut out her tongue. The chapter stressed the fact that Ezili Dantò is a mother, she is always depicted with a child and she will drop everything to help her children in times of trouble. These characteristics are extremely helpful in teaching me about who Ezili Dantò is and what represents her.

The author herself does not show much bias in her writing. The book is more of a first person narrative about the experiences she had with Mama Lola and what she learned from her. McCarthy Brown’s purpose in her writing is to educate through the voices of those who practice Vodou. She doesn’t actually argue anything due to the writing style but the emphasis on Ezili Dantò being a mother above all else is clear.

 

Daniels, Kyrah Malika. “The Undressing of Two Sacred Healing Bundles: Curative Arts in the Black Atlantic in Haiti and Ancient Kongo.”Journal of Africana Religions 1, no. 3(2013):416-429.

I found this source while looking through articles on JSTOR. I found the name Kyrah Malika Daniels repeated and looked her up and found a research paper she did on Haitian pakèt kongos on Project Muse. In this article she talks about how pakèt kongos are used for healing and how problems like a broken leg aren’t just treated as physical, but as spiritual too. There is a belief that whatever ails the patient is both a physical or mental and spiritual problem and the patient may have fallen out of sync or that there is an imbalance in the cosmos. A pakèt kongo follows a basic shape with an orb at the bottom and a stem coming out of the orb. The orb contains soil from a graveyard, essentially trapping a disembodied spirit within it. The fabric wrappings on a pakèt kongo are not just to keep the soil from getting out but also to keep the spirit in so that the pakèt kongo will work for ritual healing.

The author’s goal with this article is to educate on the pakèt kongo and how it is used in Haitian Vodou. She talks about her own experience with it but also about research she did on it. There is no bias in this article, mostly because it is not an opinion piece and mostly consists of facts and research. The author is a practitioner of Haitian Vodou so may be biased in terms of how she talks about the pakèt kongo but it is not very prevalent in the article. The information in the article is extremely relevant to me and will help a lot with my analysis of the object.

 

McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Afro-Caribbean Spirituality: A Haitian Case Study.” In Vodou in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, 1-25.

This article was one of the class readings. The author talks about the basic beliefs in Haitian Vodou. She goes into detail about their ideas and beliefs on healing and personhood. She talks about spirit possession and goes over some of the details of Haitian cosmology.

The goal of this article is to go over the basics of Haitian Vodou while not leaving out any of the most important details. There is no central focus on one idea in Vodou, it’s more of an overview of the religion. This article is helpful to me because it gives a lot of information on personhood, healing, and other aspects of Vodou that I need to know about in order to write my object analysis.

The Symbolism of Changó and his Thunderstone: Annotated Bibliography

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Ayorinde, Christine. 2004. “Santería in Cuba: Tradition and Transformation.” In The Yoruba 

Diaspora in the Atlantic World edited by Toyin Falola and Matt D. Childs, pp. 209-225.

Indiana University Press, 2004.

This source was suggested to me by Professor Brennan after reviewing what I had so far. The chapter is split into sections discussing different aspects of the Santeria religion in Cuba. It starts with an introduction into who is worshipped and basically how the religion works. Then Ayorinde goes into more detail into how the practitioners show their worship and what objects and songs come from/resemble certain gods. This section was very useful in determining the purpose and symbolism of the Thunderstone. The author then goes into topics like: communication with the gods, Yoruba subgroups, how slave trade affected the religion, and how the religion is passed down through the generations.

The authors perspective in this chapter seems to be very impartial, and only informative. The goal seems to be to teach people about the transformation of the Yoruba religion through the years. I don’t see any real bias throughout the reading, all the information seems to be from the perspective of a very devout practitioner.

Castillo, Daisy R., and Mederos, Aníbal A. 2007. “Lo femenino y lo masculino en la Regla

Congo o Palo Monte”. In Afro-Hispanic Review, Vol. 26, No. 1, African Religions in the New World, pp. 151-157. William Luis, 2007. http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/23055254.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A4746fbd7dea826834c3b56455f085daa.

I found this citation on JSTOR using the keywords “Regla de Ocha” and “Chango”. The general purpose of this article is to talk about the masculinity and femininity in the religious expression of the Regla Congo(hence the title). More specifically it discusses this in terms of the slave trade and how both masculinity and femininity has changed through it. In talking about this change, the article goes into beliefs and practices of the Regla Congo. This section gets to the heart of what gender means to the religion, and how gender is dependent on what the object means to the religion. Although this does not directly relate to the Thunderstone that I am studying, gender plays a major part in both the Diasporic religions, and in Chango.

Because the text is in Spanish, and I can translate it, but not fluently read, the tone and perspective of the author is a little unclear. With this, I found the perspective of the author to be similar to other works we have read. Their goals seem to be solely to inform people about the Regla Congo. For talking about sex a lot, there seemed to be little bias in this article. It did not seem to favor men or women over each other, and got the information across.  

Lawuyi, Olatunde B. 1988. “Ogun: Diffusion across Boundaries and Identity Constructions.”

African Studies Review Vol. 31, No. 2 (Sep., 1988):pp.127-139, http://www.jstor.org/stable/524422?Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=((thunderstone)&searchText=AND&searchText=(shango))&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3D%2528%2528thunderstone%2529%2BAND%2B%2528shango%2529%2529&refreqid=search%3A8cc1dc2eadc54a0d174b8cc014501bfb&seq=10#page_scan_tab_contents.

I found this article on JSTOR by searching “Shango” and “Thunderstone”. This article is focused on Ogun’s role in the Yoruba Religion, and how the god is a structure in the religion. He does this by discussing the idea of Ogun and what realities his conceptions deal with. It then discusses how all the different variations Yoruba religion all connect to the idea of Ogun. Also, who worshipped Ogun along with where those people worshipped him connected back to the main idea of the structure of Ogun to the Yoruba religion. Throughout the article, it compared Ogun with Chango, which includes the symbolism of both Chango and the Thunderstone.

This article seems very scholarly because it explains the purpose of the journal before talking about anything else. The perspective seems to that of most articles I have found, and that means that I do not see much bias. The information seems to be from an inside perspective of the religion which talks more about what the religion means to the people rather than what the religion is made up of. Even though the intended audience is unclear to me, it seems to present the information in similar ways as previous articles.

The Ibiri wand of Nanã Buruku and Ritualistic Practices: Annotated Bibliography

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Griffith, Paul. “Chapter 4.” Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora; Archetypes of Transition, books.google.com/books?id=2vSeDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120&dq=nana+dancing+ritual&source=bl&ots=xltfBHktua&sig=DeIgzk2bSVpcwNpYwo5z_66sv24&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiio7iM5oTXAhXEYiYKHRNKD4YQ6AEINjAF#v=onepage&q=nana%20dancing%20ritual&f=false.

Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora; Archetypes of Transition
Paul Griffith

I found this source on google professor, using the keywords Nanã and Ritual Practices
The author of this book discusses in Chapter 4; Page 120 of the ritualistic style of the dance practiced in the worship of Nana, as Tidlectics, styles of dances having to do with the ocean, or swaying motions parallel to the actions of the waves of the ocean. Also, the author describes the dance as having a “sweeping motion” to it, which enforces the use of the Ibiri wand, the specific tool to the Orisha Nanã, as it is considered amongst many as a broom of sorts, used to sweep away pestilence, and disease.

The author gave me a unique, fresh perspective on the style of dancing used to honor the Orisha, as the Tidalectic style of dancing, was foreign at first, but became sensible considering Nanã is associated heavily with the ocean, and having a swaying, almost sweeping motion used during her ritualistic dances.

Sansi, Roger. “4.” Fetishes and Monuments: Afro-Brazilian Art and Culture in the Twentieth Century, Berghahn, 2010.
Roger Roca-Sansi: Fetishes and Monuments: Afro Brazilian Art and

Professor Brennan recommended this book to me; during our initial object analysis
The Author of this book, Roger Sansi, discusses in Chapter 4, the transition in Candomble and other Afro-Brazilian religions, from the perspective of religious objects as weapons, to Crown Jewels of museums. This is another fresh perspective on religious and museological objects, having a malicious aspect to them, when used in their appropriate cultural mythology and legends.The Ibiri, the object most identified with the Orisha Nanã Buruku, was also perceived as a dangerous weapon when used against men, and people whom the Orisha had ill intent towards. This source provides an additional aspect to view the Ibiri, not just as an object used in rituals to further align oneself with Nanã Buruku, but also potentially used by individuals with an intent that isn’t so loving nd nurturing, as the Orisha herself is often seen as.

Thompson, Robert Farris. “Chapter 1: Black Saints Go Marching in .” Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy, Random House, 1983, pp. 68–72.

Robert Farris Thompson

This source was ultimately found in our textbook, as Nanã Buruku has a section devoted to her history, life on Earth, and the history, use and life of the Ibiri wand, the object I will be researching within this project.
Our textbook, discusses the history of the Ibiri, explaining that Nanã has possessed the wand from the beginning of her life, and after Nanã was born, the staff was cut from the placenta, and put inside the Earth. As Nanã grew in size and age, the staff did as well, beneath the Earth. Nanã, went to war with the Teju-ade, and her son dug up the staff, and thus the staff became the highly worshipped object contained in the essence of the Orisha herself, essentially. This is an extremely valuable source, as it offers the most in depth and specific history of the Ibiri I have found thus far. Also, it offers the lives of both the Orisha, and the object as they both grew from birth, into maturity, and ultimately, into the legends told about Nanã Buruku and the Ibiri in Afro-Brazilian mythology.

drink tray annotated bibliography

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Michael Sofio

 

Epstein, R. A. (1992, Dec 23). Rule of law: Testing the boundary between church and state. Wall Street Journal

I found this article on CATQuest while using the keywords “animal sacrifice” and “supreme court.” The article highlights the 1987 supreme court ruling in favor of the Santeria practitioners.

The Author compares the case to two other supreme court rulings that are related to a religious body’s legal rights. The first of those cases was that in California and was about a deaf student receiving tax dollars and that spending them on a religious institution was illegal and that decision was eventually overturned. The second case was about a school in New York showing a religious movie after school being shown and the school being a government entity establishing a religion by showing the movie. The case was also overturned. These cases that are of similar type to the case regarding animal cruelty shows the logic behind the law and why case decisions were made.

Cruz, R. Ted Winter 1994 article 17.1 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Animal Sacrifice and Equal Protection Free Exercise: Church of the Lukumi Babaluaye

I found this article on Academic Search Premier while searching with the keywords “animal sacrifice” and “supreme court ruling.” The article drew my attention because it was in English, on the topic of animal sacrifice, and the author had a familiar name. the article was about the 1987 Supreme Court ruling. The artlicle breaks down the arguments on both sides and shows the evidence both posses. the article also possesses transcripts from the actual courtroom.

The Author doesn’t speak about his opinion on the ruling. However, Ted Cruz does generally take the side of any religious group especially if they are facing legal scrutiny. However, Senator Ted Cruz is a very conservative individual who is very Christian which generally would make me think he my not have a lot of knowledge of the Diasporic religions. However, Ted Cruz has Cuba heritage which makes me think he may know more about the religions that the class is studying than most people or is at least familiar with the concepts at hand in the court case.

Otero, Solimar, and Toyin Falola. Yemoja: Gender, Sexuality, and Creativity in the Latina/o and Afro-Atlantic Diasporas. Boston: New West Indian Guide, 2014.

Doctor Brennan suggested this book to me. The book is a catalog of information about the goddess Yemoja. The book first started in 2002 by the two authors to produce a volume that reflects an interest in exploring the international Yoruba deity Yemoja. The book highlights Yemoja in the many different nations and the differences between them. The book also speaks about understanding the aspects of race, gender, and sexuality that come with the goddess and how it is relevant to understanding not just the religion but also the culture. The book also explains the practices of worship of Yemoja and how they are important.

The Authors of the book wrote this book as a part of a series on the other deities that are very important in Yoruba culture including Shango, Ogun, and Osun. This book differs in that it is about Yemaya.