I had the pleasure of viewing the talk Thrones of the Gods and Altars of the Soul given by Daniel Rodríguez. Rodríguez is an altar builder that specializes on the religion of santeria. He played a huge part in constructing the Santeria birthday altar in the Spirited Things exhibit. He is specifically an Obá Oriaté, which is the person who determines tutelary orishas in bajada (santeriachurch.org). He is the person who helps people find their guardian orishas. He was invited to give a more in depth background into the Santeria religion being this Obá Oriaté and being a follower.

Rodríguez starts of by giving the definition of the word santeria. He describes that this religion is a mix of African Diaspora religions and Christianity hence the beginning of the word. He goes on to describe certain religious practices of the followers such as animal sacrifice, garments of clothing, and certain unheard-of healing practices. Not gruesome, disgusting practices, but changing habits and daily activities based on what is wrong with you. He then starts to talk about different types of altars and how younger or people starting off in the religion should not have big or fancy altars. He states that altars are supposed to grow with the person not be constant. This is important to discuss because the birthday altar in the museum is very extravagant and not many people have such an advance form of the altar. He then brings the audience into the exhibit to answer specific questions and talk about specific parts.

The talk is extremely specific to the concept of altars. As stated before, he first talks how altars need to grow with the person. The objects need to be earned and should be based on where you lay in the hierarchy of Santeria. Rodríguez says there are people who get initiated into the religion and then buy religious aspects for his altar of a more powerful member off the internet. “For many priests and priestesses, it takes years to acquire objects for their entire stable of orishas” (Brown, 94) Speaking of hierarchy, Rodríguez spoke about how the altar in the exhibit is structure. There are many levels, the higher the stand means the more powerful the orisha is. Obatala, some say, is said to be the equivalent of Jesus and is the highest standing on most altars. For example, in the book “Santeria Aesthetics”, there is an article Toward an Ethnoaesthetics of Santeria Ritual Arts written by David H. Brown and within the articles there are pictures of different altars, and they all have obatala standing over the rest of the orishas. This concept is important in any hierarchy of the altar but height is not the only factor. How far a deity stands is from the center of the altar is very important. The closer the orishas are to the middle the more influential they are to the person. Most of the altars seen in the Brown altar are very small and only have the most influential deities. Obatala, Ochun, Yemaya, and their birthday altar god. The other deities present were dependent on the orishas that represent that person the best.

This talk was well worth attending. Getting a firsthand look at someone whose life has been devoted to practicing Santeria and learning the meaning of each altar. He was a very energetic speaker and you can tell he was passionate about what he was talking about.

(Seth Epling)

Here is a link to the revised draft of our Altar Analysis:

https://docs.google.com/document/d/14cY6WvbAwT5ZEhfbJ0VKKPbUv8d3EX-gkPzTevi8LtM/edit?usp=sharing

Here is the link to the revised and updated version of the Spiritist altar analysis:

https://docs.google.com/document/d/14QTnUPHVeIzAHiQMNxY_rDkH-63LXXEzwjV20oXqasw/edit

From the perspective of the altar, religion takes on a whole new meaning to the practitioner. The altar is essentially the connection between the spirits (orisha) and the living. In order to work, each altar has to be activated through ceremony, which involves drums, singing, dancing, and foods, to name a few things. When an altar is “activated”, that means that ase is flowing through it. Ase is the divine force of destiny, power, and life. It flows through all things, and, when activated, can channel gods in altars. This is how altars become a gateway between the two worlds – they are made up with items that represent what the spirits like and what the spirits are like, and through placing everything correctly on the altar and singing and dancing to ritualistic songs, the altar basically becomes the divinity. Through those means the spirit forms a connection with the practitioner, and spirit possession, which is when the ase of an orisha flows through a person and the orisha resides in that person’s body for a short amount of time, can occur. Altars are meant to honor the spirits, and connect the people with these beings. In light of that, when studying religion we should look at these objects and altars in terms of how items could be of significance to both the spirit and the worshipper, and how the items all work together. This perspective can enhance an outsider’s understanding of religion, as much more meaning can be understood through observing how the objects on an altar work with each other and with the practitioners to transcend a simple understanding into something much more complex.

Emphasizing materiality affects a religion in many different aspects. Religions are often defined by what materials they use, the patterns in both texture and color, and what the objects are/represent. By focusing on the artifacts found in religion, the you can observe different influences on the original source, and see how it relates to other religions of the same diaspora. It also gives an insight on different attributes that the worshippers like or dislike. One spirit may have many different characteristics that are symbolized in a variety of ways, including attributes that are significant to the devotee, defines the divinity to him or her and why they follow the higher beings they follow. However, defining a religion by the objects that they use is not an effective way to try to understand a whole religion, rather, it’s merely the tip of the iceberg. One thing that is often discussed in study of religion is the view of the outsider. Someone who isn’t practicing a religion won’t be able to understand aspects of the religion without being influenced by personal bias or ignorance. For example, while an outsider may view an altar as objects on a table, a practitioner of the religion will be able to see true meaning behind the objects and how they’re arranged to channel ase or to please the spirits. Putting emphasis on defining a religion by its materiality is a way that promotes the blindness that comes with the view of the outsider, as it only accounts for the physical parts of a religion, not the many other aspects that can make a religion.

By centering our study on altars, we learn that while altars provide a view into religions, they aren’t able to be understood fully when they’re taken out of context. An out of context altar, such as an altar found in a museum, can’t function to the fullest context. Altars found in museums also are often observed and written about by people that are outsiders, who often define religions by their materiality and the objects placed on altars rather than the functionality and meaning of the whole altar and all of the factors that go into rituals combined together. Many religions such as Candomble are often identified by only their altars, without regard for the many other important aspects of the religion that provide meaning to practitioners, but are unobservable to an outsider. Therefore, by centering our study of a religion on its altars, we learn about the religion and material objects that are important to the religion, but turn a blind eye to deeper meaning that could be discovered if the altars were viewed in context and by people that practice the religion and aren’t subject to an outsider’s bias.

On the first day of class I tried to look at the different religions we were studying holistically. Trying to define every object with its meaning, and trying to match that meaning to the overarching, main idea of the religion. This proved overwhelming and not very useful as there was a depth to the Diaspora that I could not yet comprehend. The class lined up, to a strangely perfect degree, with an anthropology lesson which introduced the concept of ethnography, understanding a culture from the perspective of the culture, not my own. This made sense, I had been looking at the culture from a strict, personal definition of religion. I also wrote down in my notes from that class to strictly pay attention to the interactions people had with their surroundings, as they will tell you more about the culture than looking over the culture with a birds eye view.

As class progressed, I eventually began to adopt this attitude. I tried to put myself into the religion, a person no different than who were in my readings. As Professor Brennan continued to talk about objects and altars, I could then see the importance they played in the religion. The object is an extension, a symbol of something in somebodies life. An object can encompass so much past, present, and future that only the owner of the object could tell you how much it means to them. Objects are deeply personal artifacts that encompass entire pieces of one’s life. We see the surface of what the object is, but not the extent to what it means. Studying the religion from the perspective of those artifacts helped me realize that their was no “main” idea of the religion, but spiritual connection through symbols, something that everyone does daily.

The artifacts owned and worship by Professor J. Lorand Matory held a purpose similar to my own personal playlists or CDS. They held personal meaning, memories, and were with me through new experiences as well. They are how I reflect and how I think many times between the day, and I am constistantly adding on to the collections of music as well. With this being said, objects are kept with care and hopefully passed down through generations, they accumulate meaning and further culminate in a piece of the owner’s soul. Who or what they signify will always be present if the object is present.

The altar on the other hand was trickier to understand, however studying religion from their importance helped me understand they are a catalyst for connection. The altar is a stage that presents the objects in a way which connects someone to spirits. The spacial display and collective importance incorporated into the altar creates a device which fuels connection. However, it is not necessarily a man made creation. An altar can be an ocean, I know thats what my personal altar is. The ocean offers a place to reflect and feel rooted to an intangible faith. An altar is a place to present symbols and connect to the spirits which they summon.

The materiality of African Diaspora ended up changing my definition of religion indefinitely. Religion does not have to hold any definition other than whatever connects one to a higher level of faith and healing. The focus on objects and symbols in these religions constructed the idea that they only meant as much as they did to the person to whom the belonged, no more or no less. However, the object combined with the altar took them to a place of healing, reflection, and purpose. Religion does not have to be defined or scheduled, but a practice in which one finds understanding and clarity. A personal religion may be different in practices and ideas, but the intrinsic mechanisms behind them are similar.

The Yoruba Altar dedicated to the orisa, Yemoja. In the center of the altar the stool for orisa that holds a large calabash vessel containing an iron mermaid figurine and cowrie and kola nut shells. This figurine represents Yemoja who is the goddess of the River Ogun. The necklace surrounding the vessel is an embodiment of Yemoja which is given by the private owner as a way to ask the goddess for her approval of the items assembled in the altar which embodies her. These objects all together make the highest part of the altar which represents its devotion to the goddess Yemoja. When worshiping Yemoja, her son Sango is frequently expressed in her dedicated altars.

The eye-catching blue quilt and colorful tablecloth on the stand is representative of Yemojas son Sango. Sango’s colors are red, green, orange, purple, and blue which are illustrated in the two cloths. The pink and red beaded necklace at the base of the candle is the embodiment of Sango while the blue candle is symbolic of Yemoja the water deity, in prior years lanterns were but due to modernization candles have been used instead.

The eye-catching blue quilt and colorful tablecloth on the stand is representative of Yemojas son Sango. Sango’s colors are red, green, orange, purple, and blue which are illustrated in the two cloths. The pink and red beaded necklace at the base of the candle is the embodiment of Sango while the blue candle is symbolic of Yemoja the water deity, in prior years lanterns were but due to modernization candles have been used instead.

The candles placement in the altar is to the front and center allowing those who want to worship the shrine may have easy access to the objects given to interact with the altar. Like the candle, the Ààja Òsun dídà or the netted bell placed at the front of the altar suggests that it is used to activate ase while worshiping the altar. Situated next to the candle is the Oṣé Ṣàngó or the double scepter dedicated to the God Sango. Possessed priests and priestesses carry this scepter. Do to its active role in the worshiping of Sango and Yemojam, its placement in this altar is directly in front of the stool for Orisa and offered for individuals to carry.

The two straw mats on the side and in front of the altar are also placed in such a way that allows for individuals to feel welcome to worship this Yoruba shrine. A silver bell is played flat on the front mat next to a basket where money can be offered and is used actively by worshipers. The river stone placed to the far right side of the altar is also an active piece of the altar. This smooth white river stone brings Yemojas presence to the altar and can be charged with ase by the worshiper to bring her presence to the altar further.Specific items like those mentioned before have a place on the altar easily accessible due to their involvement in worshipping Yemoja. Though the bottle of Gin is placed at the back of the altar and not as accessible as other offerings, the bottle is presented as an offering to the goddess. Gordon’s gin is used in prayers for longevity. This is because it is seen never to decay and represents ancestors because they have consumed it long ago.

Balance is represented in the layout of this altar. On either side of the center stool for orisa, there are identical rolled red fabrics and similar silver fans. On the left of the stool for Orisa is the larger fan and on the right is a smaller fan. Both are decorated with images of two fish and an abstract woman carrying a calabash on her head. These are symbols of Yemojas cooling nature and her possession of her priestess.

There are also calabashes on each side of the stool that holds the balance of the altar. On the left side is a brown pot decorated with blue and white dots. This calabash is also decorated with offerings of coal, nuts, sacrificial chicken, guinea fowl and duck feathers. On the right side balancing out the previous calabash is the Yoruba sacred vessel. This pot is shaped like a head once painted with red, white, and blue pigments; its surface decorated with marks which were made to represent a face. Contained in the vessel are cowry shells and stones and water for the river Ogun. These offerings signify Yemoja and her involvement as the goddess of the river. This particular vessel could be used to carry water from the river to the shrine to pour as an offering during festivals like Osun-Osogbo, its active involvement as an offering piece is also a reason why this vessel has a place at the front of the altar.

The statuettes of Triplets and the Twin figurines called Ère Ìbejì are balanced on either side of the altar. The triplets are kept together on the far left-hand side of the stool for orisa. These three figurines consisting of two boys and one girl are figurines that are protected by Yemojas son, Shango. These are seen to be very significant and must be cared for as children. These statuettes are not the center of the altar like the shrine to Yemoja but are still seen as objects needing caring for due to their symbolic representations. On the far right side away from the triplets are the twin figurines. These like the triplets are not presented as the center of the altar but are highly emphasized as to ensure safety between the two which is why they must be placed together. These figures are bathed and fed as if they were living similar to the triplets on the opposite side of the altar.

The Ile Ori or Yoruba House of the Head placed on the far left side of the altar but is considered a significant piece. Its visual symbolism is a house made of leather, kijipa (handwoven cloth), cowrie shells, and mirrors. It is a physical representation of the owners inner head. Owners of this object will pray directly to it and offer animal sacrifices to ask for good fortune. Its position on the altar is farthest to the left of the stool of orisa but is equally as important. Just as important as these two objects are the Opa Osun.  This item sits farthest right from the center but is worthy of attention. The tall rusted object is depicted as the fate of the owner. It is strictly thought never to lie it on its side while the person in possession of the object is alive. Just as the stool of Orisa is presented with offerings to keep Yemoja happy and content, this object is given offerings and kept upright to preserve and enrich the life of the one in possession.

The creator of the altar, Professor Matory contributed personal photographs to the altar dedicated to Yemoja. The orisa of his head is the goddess Yemoja. Therefore he found it significant to include his objects that represent who Yemoja is to him. The family members and influential people or places are shown in the pictures and bring energy to the altar so a ritual can be given. These four photographs were placed throughout the altar. The pictures visualizing a door to a Yemoja shrine and the outside window of his house where he made connections with the Yemoja priests are placed by the Ile Ori representing that Yemoja is his orisa of his head. The other two photos depict essential people that have brought him to the place that he is now.

I was in attendance when Doctor Paul Johnson of University of Michigan Anne Arbor’s Department of African Studies gave a lecture on the twenty-eighth of November at UVM.  At his lecture, Dr. Johnson spoke of the African Diaspora and Candomble and Spiritism in particular.  Candomble is popular in Brazil, as it is a center for African diasporic religions.  As Portuguese Catholic traditions mixed with African traditions, new, hybrid religions were created.

One of the most obvious examples of the mixture of Catholicism and African religions is the qualities of Candomble spirits are shared between Catholic saints and African Orishas.  Many of the religious figures of Candomble are closely tied with a Catholic counterpart.  While practice of Candomble was banned in Brazil for many years, the religion had a following which steadily increased.  Catholicism was the dominant religion, and often Candomble practitioners would use the guise of Catholicism to disguise their non-Catholic traditions.

Spiritism shares some of the physical territory as Candomble, but is different from it in many ways.  The interpretations of various Orisha is very different between Spiritism and Candomble.  For example, in Candomble, Esu is often tied to the Catholic devil because of his ability to do harm.  This darker interpretation of orisha often makes the difference between Spiritism and Candomble quite clear.

Dr. Johnson was an excellent speaker, and his prose and style made the lecture interesting and worthwhile.  Dr. Johnson seems to be authoritative on the subject, and would be a good source of information on Candomble, Spiritism, or any other Diasporic religion. 

On November 28th I went to the Waterman building And listened to Doctor Paul C Johnson speak on Candomble and the material incorporation of spirit possession. He is a professor at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor in the Department of History and Department of Afroamerican and African studies. He also has written about the African Diaspora and the many religions that make it up. He isn’t a practitioner of any of the religions he studies so gives an outsider’s perspective on the religions he studies.

In his lecture Doctor Johnson spoke about the origins of Candomble and the African Diaspora as a whole. He said that Numerically speaking, Brazil is the Capital of the African Diaspora in the Americas because more enslaved people were brought there than to any other colony nation during the slave trade era. The influence that Portugal had on the culture of Brazil through colonization is shown by the Catholic church’s influence and importance. Slaves were allowed to attend church on Sunday and as a result the enslaved people were able to practice modified versions of the religions of Africa. Despite these practices being banned in public until the 1970s the religion’s popularity in Brazil grew and still is growing. Most members of modern Candomble don’t consider it a religion and are baptized practicing Catholics. The Religion’s focus on material work through usage of altars, special items, animal sacrifice, and alcohol all highlight the difference between a Catholic mass and almost any ritual the Candomble does. However, the deities of Africa and the saints of Catholicism are interwoven. With many houses of Candomble each having a saint represent them that is tied to a deity from africa including Yemaya and Obatala. The religion also has another sect called Spiritism which is very similar including the ritual aspect of animal sacrifice but is considered more closely related to Christianity and has even been compared to Pentecostalism. Practitioners of SPiritism typically dress in all white and claim that they don’t practice witchcraft which makes them different from Candomble. Practitioners of Candomble often associate the deity Esu, the god of the crossroad and often considered a shady figure across the diaspora, with the devil due to his nature and his usage in Candomble rituals that aren’t always used for moral purposes. Candomble also differs from Spiritism due to its lack of the concept of good and evil. Practitioners of Spiritism may often call Candomble Witchcraft or work of the devil due to its lack of  good and evil and the slightly more dark depiction of Esu.

Doctor Johnson spoke about the way in which to convey information to the public in a way that is understood and how the way practitioners can sometimes make it difficult to understand a concept because each religion has its own logic, terms, and rules. The way in which the religions logic and terms are conveyed across cultural barriers often is a challenge that scholars of religion often face. This was an interesting concept to explore and made me think about ideas and rituals in other religions that I am familiar with that would make no sense to those watching the ritual if they weren’t in the religion. Take for example the practice of Communion, some questions I would have if I didn’t speak the language that the ceremony would be why do some people drink from the cup and eat the circle but others don’t? Why do some still go up but not drink or eat? Why do some have their arms crossed? Does it represent something?. All of these things would make no sense to me unless I understood the holy book and knew the story of the Last Supper.

Doctor Paul C. Johnson highlights the many different ways that cultures and religions mix and change over time in his book Syncretism and Hybridization and what the different ways that they mix are. Johnson’s definition of syncretism “syncretism was used in an expanded sense as a comparative adjective applied to religions”(Johnson 760). Candomble and Spiritism shows many examples of syncretism due to the religions being born out of the Catholic Church. The Catholic influences are seen with saints and deities being interwoven. That concept is also shown in Santeria due to the Catholic Church being an institution of power and importance in the Spanish empire just like the Catholic church was a powerful institution in the Portuguese government. The importance of cowrie shells in divination rituals is very similar to those found in Nigerian Yoruba practices which shows the Syncretic nature of the Diasporic religions Candomble and Spiritism.

Johnson, Paul C., Michael Stausberg, and Steven Engler. The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion. First ed., New York, Oxford University Press, 2016.

Background:

Santeria or Regla de Ocha is an african-american religion that is part of a group of religions that are referred to as the Diasporic religions. The religious practices of many different parts of Sub-saharan Africa were brought over to the Americas by enslaved African people from the 1500s to the 1800s. The pantheon of many gods from many different religions began to take shape as those who were enslaved made an effort to keep their heritage and religious traditions alive despite the lack of any rights. The many gods have roots in Modern day Nigeria, Angola, and Congo. The mixture of religions and loss of some deities is due to loss of ability to practice a religion that is focused on material objects and rituals because of enslavement and social ostracization.

The countries where slavery was practiced in the Americas each became new sites of religious mixture. Each country’s colonizers cultural differences and factors also had a unique impact on each of the religious groups of the diaspora. Every country has unique events that shaped the religious practices of the diasporic practitioners. Haiti having the first successful slave led revolution which started in 1791 ended in 1804 gave many Haitians an identity of self-reliance and being unafraid to change the world around them even in ways that may not always be the most sightly or moral. This outlook is reflected in Voodoo, Haiti’s diasporic religion, where there are some practices that are practiced by special individuals that involve digging up graves and enslaving spirits for mortal purposes. Brazil by far has the most practitioners of diasporic religions which is due to the country having had more slaves sent there than any other nation. The large population of practitioners in Brazil, the size of the country, and the Catholic influences resulted in multiple forms of the diasporic religion. Spiritism is a result of Catholic churches being used by slaves to practice their religions on the sabbath because in Brazil no one had to work on the Sabbath including slaves and the encouragement of the enslaved to go to church. Candomble is another Brazilian Diasporic religion which differs from Spiritism because it has no concept of good or bad however the two religions have many similarities and historically are linked. In Nigeria, Yoruba tradition is heavily practiced and is even done so publicly with festivals, statues, and more all associated with the gods and practices of Yoruba tradition. However, Christian missionaries changed the religion by introducing Christianity to Nigeria which has been mixed into Yoruba practice and tradition by making parallels between saints and orishas, the deities of Yoruba religion, and even jesus himself with Obatala because the two serve similar functions in both belief systems.

Cuba’s diasporic religion is known as Regla de Ocha, Santeria, or Lucumi. The religion incorporates religious practices from Africa, Christianity, and those of the indigenous people of Cuba. Most of the Religion’s practitioners are also baptized members of the Roman Catholic church which is due to the Spanish influence over the enslaved people who were brought over and the subsequent forced conversion to Christianity by the Spanish empire.

Catholic Saints each have a corresponding orisha that represents them in Santeria. Yemaya the goddess of the sea and the Virgin Mary are worshipped as one due to the two religious icons similarities for what they represent.Due to the almost immediate integration of the saints into the religion the practitioners of the religion were then able to practice the religion. This was because the way the rituals and worship were done it appeared as though the Catholic saints were being worshipped. Although practices were still confusing and suspect to those who didn’t practice it due to the saints being revered more than jesus. This resulted in the name Santeria meaning worship of saints. However, just because it seemed abnormal it wasn’t halted or questioned very much which allowed the religion to exist in a place where it otherwise would be considered witchcraft or blasphemous.

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 caused the religion to spread as the new government outlawed all religion and many practitioners escaped the country and came to the United States. Then in 1974 the Church of Lucumi Babalau Aye was created in Hialeah Florida as the first official Santeria worship site in the United States. Most of the practitioners who escaped Cuba during the revolution escaped to Florida due to its close proximity to the island nation and as a result formed a Cuban community in Florida.

One of the most important parts of Regla de Ocha is animal sacrifice. The animal being sacrificed is then used in some way and is always eaten at some point either during or after the ritual. Drinking the blood of the animal that is sacrificed is often also practiced during the ritual to cleanse the spirit of the person consuming it. In Hialeah florida in 1987 the city outlawed animal sacrifice which caused the priest of the church of the Lucumi Babalau Aye to take the city to court. The trial eventually made it all the way up the the Supreme Court which ruled against the city in 1993 and declared the law unconstitutional because it went against the First Amendment’s free practice of religion clause.

Deities

Agallu

Agallu is the deity that is  represented by nature and the volcanoes. He is the heat that is said to be present in all beings. He represents the lava and the magna in the center of the earth and all of the effects which come from that, such as earthquakes. He is the ferryman of the mortal soul, helping people cross the river.  His color is burgundy and dark reds and his number is 9.

Babalu Aye

Babalu is the orisha of the suna and disease. He is very powerful and often feared because he has been know to spread diseases. He is found in places similar to hospitals and also the desert. He is said to be happy because he has the ability to cure diseases and often condems people to death because they are very sick or in a great deal of pain. His colors are brown and earthy tones and his number is 17.

Chango

Chango go is the orisha of thunder and the thunder bolt or any loud hard sound that is coming from the sky. Chango rides his horse around to serve justice with his extreme physical form. He has red and white as his colors and is usually kept in a wooden vessel and his number is 6. He is one to always dance and keep the festivals going. He is one of the more known orishas in santeria religion.

Inle

Inle is the god of healing and health. Inle is a man with feminine features. He is said to be a humble man going to where he is needed helping the poor and weak. His colors are a blue, green, and yellow. He represents the people who are quite beings and love to help and nurture other people.

Obatala

Obatala is the deity that is the ruler of all other deities. Obatala is both female and male and is one of the purest and wisest orishas. Obatala’s color is white and everything that is given to him and he is summoned to bring order and peace among the world. He is associated with the number 8 and created humankind. Obatala has lots of paths that other deities follow.

Ochosi

Ochosi is the orisha that lives in the woods and represents the hunt. He always has a bow and arrow and has great knowledge of the herbs and plants in the forest. He is also an orisha of justice and enforcement. All people who are in the law have Ochosi to protect them. He has the colors of blue, yellow, and green and his number are 3, 4, and 7.

Ochun

Ochun is the deity of love and all things sweet. According to patakis or sacred stories, she is also the youngest because after the world was created there was a lack in love. Ochun put the two things in life that are worth living for. She rules over the rivers and offerings are often to a river. She inspires the conception of children but rarely is the one to look after them. She is said to be happy and have little cares. Her colors are yellow and gold and her number is 5 and multiples of 5.  

Orisha Oco

Orisha Oco or Oko is the god and father of the land. He is the one who helps farm and keeps crops fertile and harvested. He is also the judge of the orishas and makes sure to protect the females when there is an argument. He is also an orisha of fertility be it to crops and to people. He represent the hard working people and they worship him daily by offering things to the earth. His colors are pink and light blue and his number is 7.

Oggun

Oggun or ogun is the deity of the woods and iron. He is the one who forges the tools for people and he is incharge of all things construction. He is always one step ahead of you ready to be the first one to protect you. His colors are green, red and purple and his main tool is the machete. He is one of the main gods in which animal worship is done for. His numbers are 3 and 7 and has many different paths or personalities: Alagwede (oldest) or Arere (secret of the metal).

Oya

Oya is the goddess of winds and storms and brings wanted or unwanted change to humankind. She is one of the fiercest orishas and is the most fierce among the female orishas. She is the gaurd between life and death standing at the cemeteries. She is one of the few warrior orishas. Her movements are fast and violent and tornadoes are said to be the result of her dancing. Her colors are everything but black and is represented by 9.

Olocun

Olocun is orisha of both the living and the death. She lives at the bottom of the sea where humans can’t see unless they are dead. She is worshipped to benefit health, life pursuit and prosperity. She resides in a blue and white tureen in houses and has a compulsive temper. Her colors are blue and white and her numbers are 7 and 9. The offerings made to her are usually cast into the sea.

Yemeya

Yemaya is one of the most powerful orishas and is the great mother who rules over the sea. She is as essential to life as water is because she represents water. She is fair minded and nurturing but when she is outraged she is fierce but forgiving. She is represented by anything that comes from the sea, shells, fishes and boats. She dances with grace at first but she gains speed and the rhythm of the wave show this movement. Her number is 7 and her colors are blue with white.

Seth Epling and Michael Sofio