I had the pleasure of viewing the talk Thrones of the Gods and Altars of the Soul given by Daniel Rodríguez. Rodríguez is an altar builder that specializes on the religion of santeria. He played a huge part in constructing the Santeria birthday altar in the Spirited Things exhibit. He is specifically an Obá Oriaté, which is the person who determines tutelary orishas in bajada (santeriachurch.org). He is the person who helps people find their guardian orishas. He was invited to give a more in depth background into the Santeria religion being this Obá Oriaté and being a follower.

Rodríguez starts of by giving the definition of the word santeria. He describes that this religion is a mix of African Diaspora religions and Christianity hence the beginning of the word. He goes on to describe certain religious practices of the followers such as animal sacrifice, garments of clothing, and certain unheard-of healing practices. Not gruesome, disgusting practices, but changing habits and daily activities based on what is wrong with you. He then starts to talk about different types of altars and how younger or people starting off in the religion should not have big or fancy altars. He states that altars are supposed to grow with the person not be constant. This is important to discuss because the birthday altar in the museum is very extravagant and not many people have such an advance form of the altar. He then brings the audience into the exhibit to answer specific questions and talk about specific parts.

The talk is extremely specific to the concept of altars. As stated before, he first talks how altars need to grow with the person. The objects need to be earned and should be based on where you lay in the hierarchy of Santeria. Rodríguez says there are people who get initiated into the religion and then buy religious aspects for his altar of a more powerful member off the internet. “For many priests and priestesses, it takes years to acquire objects for their entire stable of orishas” (Brown, 94) Speaking of hierarchy, Rodríguez spoke about how the altar in the exhibit is structure. There are many levels, the higher the stand means the more powerful the orisha is. Obatala, some say, is said to be the equivalent of Jesus and is the highest standing on most altars. For example, in the book “Santeria Aesthetics”, there is an article Toward an Ethnoaesthetics of Santeria Ritual Arts written by David H. Brown and within the articles there are pictures of different altars, and they all have obatala standing over the rest of the orishas. This concept is important in any hierarchy of the altar but height is not the only factor. How far a deity stands is from the center of the altar is very important. The closer the orishas are to the middle the more influential they are to the person. Most of the altars seen in the Brown altar are very small and only have the most influential deities. Obatala, Ochun, Yemaya, and their birthday altar god. The other deities present were dependent on the orishas that represent that person the best.

This talk was well worth attending. Getting a firsthand look at someone whose life has been devoted to practicing Santeria and learning the meaning of each altar. He was a very energetic speaker and you can tell he was passionate about what he was talking about.

(Seth Epling)

Here is a link to the revised draft of our Altar Analysis:

https://docs.google.com/document/d/14cY6WvbAwT5ZEhfbJ0VKKPbUv8d3EX-gkPzTevi8LtM/edit?usp=sharing

Here is the link to the revised and updated version of the Spiritist altar analysis:

https://docs.google.com/document/d/14QTnUPHVeIzAHiQMNxY_rDkH-63LXXEzwjV20oXqasw/edit

From the perspective of the altar, religion takes on a whole new meaning to the practitioner. The altar is essentially the connection between the spirits (orisha) and the living. In order to work, each altar has to be activated through ceremony, which involves drums, singing, dancing, and foods, to name a few things. When an altar is “activated”, that means that ase is flowing through it. Ase is the divine force of destiny, power, and life. It flows through all things, and, when activated, can channel gods in altars. This is how altars become a gateway between the two worlds – they are made up with items that represent what the spirits like and what the spirits are like, and through placing everything correctly on the altar and singing and dancing to ritualistic songs, the altar basically becomes the divinity. Through those means the spirit forms a connection with the practitioner, and spirit possession, which is when the ase of an orisha flows through a person and the orisha resides in that person’s body for a short amount of time, can occur. Altars are meant to honor the spirits, and connect the people with these beings. In light of that, when studying religion we should look at these objects and altars in terms of how items could be of significance to both the spirit and the worshipper, and how the items all work together. This perspective can enhance an outsider’s understanding of religion, as much more meaning can be understood through observing how the objects on an altar work with each other and with the practitioners to transcend a simple understanding into something much more complex.

Emphasizing materiality affects a religion in many different aspects. Religions are often defined by what materials they use, the patterns in both texture and color, and what the objects are/represent. By focusing on the artifacts found in religion, the you can observe different influences on the original source, and see how it relates to other religions of the same diaspora. It also gives an insight on different attributes that the worshippers like or dislike. One spirit may have many different characteristics that are symbolized in a variety of ways, including attributes that are significant to the devotee, defines the divinity to him or her and why they follow the higher beings they follow. However, defining a religion by the objects that they use is not an effective way to try to understand a whole religion, rather, it’s merely the tip of the iceberg. One thing that is often discussed in study of religion is the view of the outsider. Someone who isn’t practicing a religion won’t be able to understand aspects of the religion without being influenced by personal bias or ignorance. For example, while an outsider may view an altar as objects on a table, a practitioner of the religion will be able to see true meaning behind the objects and how they’re arranged to channel ase or to please the spirits. Putting emphasis on defining a religion by its materiality is a way that promotes the blindness that comes with the view of the outsider, as it only accounts for the physical parts of a religion, not the many other aspects that can make a religion.

By centering our study on altars, we learn that while altars provide a view into religions, they aren’t able to be understood fully when they’re taken out of context. An out of context altar, such as an altar found in a museum, can’t function to the fullest context. Altars found in museums also are often observed and written about by people that are outsiders, who often define religions by their materiality and the objects placed on altars rather than the functionality and meaning of the whole altar and all of the factors that go into rituals combined together. Many religions such as Candomble are often identified by only their altars, without regard for the many other important aspects of the religion that provide meaning to practitioners, but are unobservable to an outsider. Therefore, by centering our study of a religion on its altars, we learn about the religion and material objects that are important to the religion, but turn a blind eye to deeper meaning that could be discovered if the altars were viewed in context and by people that practice the religion and aren’t subject to an outsider’s bias.

On the first day of class I tried to look at the different religions we were studying holistically. Trying to define every object with its meaning, and trying to match that meaning to the overarching, main idea of the religion. This proved overwhelming and not very useful as there was a depth to the Diaspora that I could not yet comprehend. The class lined up, to a strangely perfect degree, with an anthropology lesson which introduced the concept of ethnography, understanding a culture from the perspective of the culture, not my own. This made sense, I had been looking at the culture from a strict, personal definition of religion. I also wrote down in my notes from that class to strictly pay attention to the interactions people had with their surroundings, as they will tell you more about the culture than looking over the culture with a birds eye view.

As class progressed, I eventually began to adopt this attitude. I tried to put myself into the religion, a person no different than who were in my readings. As Professor Brennan continued to talk about objects and altars, I could then see the importance they played in the religion. The object is an extension, a symbol of something in somebodies life. An object can encompass so much past, present, and future that only the owner of the object could tell you how much it means to them. Objects are deeply personal artifacts that encompass entire pieces of one’s life. We see the surface of what the object is, but not the extent to what it means. Studying the religion from the perspective of those artifacts helped me realize that their was no “main” idea of the religion, but spiritual connection through symbols, something that everyone does daily.

The artifacts owned and worship by Professor J. Lorand Matory held a purpose similar to my own personal playlists or CDS. They held personal meaning, memories, and were with me through new experiences as well. They are how I reflect and how I think many times between the day, and I am constistantly adding on to the collections of music as well. With this being said, objects are kept with care and hopefully passed down through generations, they accumulate meaning and further culminate in a piece of the owner’s soul. Who or what they signify will always be present if the object is present.

The altar on the other hand was trickier to understand, however studying religion from their importance helped me understand they are a catalyst for connection. The altar is a stage that presents the objects in a way which connects someone to spirits. The spacial display and collective importance incorporated into the altar creates a device which fuels connection. However, it is not necessarily a man made creation. An altar can be an ocean, I know thats what my personal altar is. The ocean offers a place to reflect and feel rooted to an intangible faith. An altar is a place to present symbols and connect to the spirits which they summon.

The materiality of African Diaspora ended up changing my definition of religion indefinitely. Religion does not have to hold any definition other than whatever connects one to a higher level of faith and healing. The focus on objects and symbols in these religions constructed the idea that they only meant as much as they did to the person to whom the belonged, no more or no less. However, the object combined with the altar took them to a place of healing, reflection, and purpose. Religion does not have to be defined or scheduled, but a practice in which one finds understanding and clarity. A personal religion may be different in practices and ideas, but the intrinsic mechanisms behind them are similar.

The Yoruba Altar dedicated to the orisa, Yemoja. In the center of the altar the stool for orisa that holds a large calabash vessel containing an iron mermaid figurine and cowrie and kola nut shells. This figurine represents Yemoja who is the goddess of the River Ogun. The necklace surrounding the vessel is an embodiment of Yemoja which is given by the private owner as a way to ask the goddess for her approval of the items assembled in the altar which embodies her. These objects all together make the highest part of the altar which represents its devotion to the goddess Yemoja. When worshiping Yemoja, her son Sango is frequently expressed in her dedicated altars.

The eye-catching blue quilt and colorful tablecloth on the stand is representative of Yemojas son Sango. Sango’s colors are red, green, orange, purple, and blue which are illustrated in the two cloths. The pink and red beaded necklace at the base of the candle is the embodiment of Sango while the blue candle is symbolic of Yemoja the water deity, in prior years lanterns were but due to modernization candles have been used instead.

The eye-catching blue quilt and colorful tablecloth on the stand is representative of Yemojas son Sango. Sango’s colors are red, green, orange, purple, and blue which are illustrated in the two cloths. The pink and red beaded necklace at the base of the candle is the embodiment of Sango while the blue candle is symbolic of Yemoja the water deity, in prior years lanterns were but due to modernization candles have been used instead.

The candles placement in the altar is to the front and center allowing those who want to worship the shrine may have easy access to the objects given to interact with the altar. Like the candle, the Ààja Òsun dídà or the netted bell placed at the front of the altar suggests that it is used to activate ase while worshiping the altar. Situated next to the candle is the Oṣé Ṣàngó or the double scepter dedicated to the God Sango. Possessed priests and priestesses carry this scepter. Do to its active role in the worshiping of Sango and Yemojam, its placement in this altar is directly in front of the stool for Orisa and offered for individuals to carry.

The two straw mats on the side and in front of the altar are also placed in such a way that allows for individuals to feel welcome to worship this Yoruba shrine. A silver bell is played flat on the front mat next to a basket where money can be offered and is used actively by worshipers. The river stone placed to the far right side of the altar is also an active piece of the altar. This smooth white river stone brings Yemojas presence to the altar and can be charged with ase by the worshiper to bring her presence to the altar further.Specific items like those mentioned before have a place on the altar easily accessible due to their involvement in worshipping Yemoja. Though the bottle of Gin is placed at the back of the altar and not as accessible as other offerings, the bottle is presented as an offering to the goddess. Gordon’s gin is used in prayers for longevity. This is because it is seen never to decay and represents ancestors because they have consumed it long ago.

Balance is represented in the layout of this altar. On either side of the center stool for orisa, there are identical rolled red fabrics and similar silver fans. On the left of the stool for Orisa is the larger fan and on the right is a smaller fan. Both are decorated with images of two fish and an abstract woman carrying a calabash on her head. These are symbols of Yemojas cooling nature and her possession of her priestess.

There are also calabashes on each side of the stool that holds the balance of the altar. On the left side is a brown pot decorated with blue and white dots. This calabash is also decorated with offerings of coal, nuts, sacrificial chicken, guinea fowl and duck feathers. On the right side balancing out the previous calabash is the Yoruba sacred vessel. This pot is shaped like a head once painted with red, white, and blue pigments; its surface decorated with marks which were made to represent a face. Contained in the vessel are cowry shells and stones and water for the river Ogun. These offerings signify Yemoja and her involvement as the goddess of the river. This particular vessel could be used to carry water from the river to the shrine to pour as an offering during festivals like Osun-Osogbo, its active involvement as an offering piece is also a reason why this vessel has a place at the front of the altar.

The statuettes of Triplets and the Twin figurines called Ère Ìbejì are balanced on either side of the altar. The triplets are kept together on the far left-hand side of the stool for orisa. These three figurines consisting of two boys and one girl are figurines that are protected by Yemojas son, Shango. These are seen to be very significant and must be cared for as children. These statuettes are not the center of the altar like the shrine to Yemoja but are still seen as objects needing caring for due to their symbolic representations. On the far right side away from the triplets are the twin figurines. These like the triplets are not presented as the center of the altar but are highly emphasized as to ensure safety between the two which is why they must be placed together. These figures are bathed and fed as if they were living similar to the triplets on the opposite side of the altar.

The Ile Ori or Yoruba House of the Head placed on the far left side of the altar but is considered a significant piece. Its visual symbolism is a house made of leather, kijipa (handwoven cloth), cowrie shells, and mirrors. It is a physical representation of the owners inner head. Owners of this object will pray directly to it and offer animal sacrifices to ask for good fortune. Its position on the altar is farthest to the left of the stool of orisa but is equally as important. Just as important as these two objects are the Opa Osun.  This item sits farthest right from the center but is worthy of attention. The tall rusted object is depicted as the fate of the owner. It is strictly thought never to lie it on its side while the person in possession of the object is alive. Just as the stool of Orisa is presented with offerings to keep Yemoja happy and content, this object is given offerings and kept upright to preserve and enrich the life of the one in possession.

The creator of the altar, Professor Matory contributed personal photographs to the altar dedicated to Yemoja. The orisa of his head is the goddess Yemoja. Therefore he found it significant to include his objects that represent who Yemoja is to him. The family members and influential people or places are shown in the pictures and bring energy to the altar so a ritual can be given. These four photographs were placed throughout the altar. The pictures visualizing a door to a Yemoja shrine and the outside window of his house where he made connections with the Yemoja priests are placed by the Ile Ori representing that Yemoja is his orisa of his head. The other two photos depict essential people that have brought him to the place that he is now.

I was in attendance when Doctor Paul Johnson of University of Michigan Anne Arbor’s Department of African Studies gave a lecture on the twenty-eighth of November at UVM.  At his lecture, Dr. Johnson spoke of the African Diaspora and Candomble and Spiritism in particular.  Candomble is popular in Brazil, as it is a center for African diasporic religions.  As Portuguese Catholic traditions mixed with African traditions, new, hybrid religions were created.

One of the most obvious examples of the mixture of Catholicism and African religions is the qualities of Candomble spirits are shared between Catholic saints and African Orishas.  Many of the religious figures of Candomble are closely tied with a Catholic counterpart.  While practice of Candomble was banned in Brazil for many years, the religion had a following which steadily increased.  Catholicism was the dominant religion, and often Candomble practitioners would use the guise of Catholicism to disguise their non-Catholic traditions.

Spiritism shares some of the physical territory as Candomble, but is different from it in many ways.  The interpretations of various Orisha is very different between Spiritism and Candomble.  For example, in Candomble, Esu is often tied to the Catholic devil because of his ability to do harm.  This darker interpretation of orisha often makes the difference between Spiritism and Candomble quite clear.

Dr. Johnson was an excellent speaker, and his prose and style made the lecture interesting and worthwhile.  Dr. Johnson seems to be authoritative on the subject, and would be a good source of information on Candomble, Spiritism, or any other Diasporic religion. 

On November 28th I went to the Waterman building And listened to Doctor Paul C Johnson speak on Candomble and the material incorporation of spirit possession. He is a professor at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor in the Department of History and Department of Afroamerican and African studies. He also has written about the African Diaspora and the many religions that make it up. He isn’t a practitioner of any of the religions he studies so gives an outsider’s perspective on the religions he studies.

In his lecture Doctor Johnson spoke about the origins of Candomble and the African Diaspora as a whole. He said that Numerically speaking, Brazil is the Capital of the African Diaspora in the Americas because more enslaved people were brought there than to any other colony nation during the slave trade era. The influence that Portugal had on the culture of Brazil through colonization is shown by the Catholic church’s influence and importance. Slaves were allowed to attend church on Sunday and as a result the enslaved people were able to practice modified versions of the religions of Africa. Despite these practices being banned in public until the 1970s the religion’s popularity in Brazil grew and still is growing. Most members of modern Candomble don’t consider it a religion and are baptized practicing Catholics. The Religion’s focus on material work through usage of altars, special items, animal sacrifice, and alcohol all highlight the difference between a Catholic mass and almost any ritual the Candomble does. However, the deities of Africa and the saints of Catholicism are interwoven. With many houses of Candomble each having a saint represent them that is tied to a deity from africa including Yemaya and Obatala. The religion also has another sect called Spiritism which is very similar including the ritual aspect of animal sacrifice but is considered more closely related to Christianity and has even been compared to Pentecostalism. Practitioners of SPiritism typically dress in all white and claim that they don’t practice witchcraft which makes them different from Candomble. Practitioners of Candomble often associate the deity Esu, the god of the crossroad and often considered a shady figure across the diaspora, with the devil due to his nature and his usage in Candomble rituals that aren’t always used for moral purposes. Candomble also differs from Spiritism due to its lack of the concept of good and evil. Practitioners of Spiritism may often call Candomble Witchcraft or work of the devil due to its lack of  good and evil and the slightly more dark depiction of Esu.

Doctor Johnson spoke about the way in which to convey information to the public in a way that is understood and how the way practitioners can sometimes make it difficult to understand a concept because each religion has its own logic, terms, and rules. The way in which the religions logic and terms are conveyed across cultural barriers often is a challenge that scholars of religion often face. This was an interesting concept to explore and made me think about ideas and rituals in other religions that I am familiar with that would make no sense to those watching the ritual if they weren’t in the religion. Take for example the practice of Communion, some questions I would have if I didn’t speak the language that the ceremony would be why do some people drink from the cup and eat the circle but others don’t? Why do some still go up but not drink or eat? Why do some have their arms crossed? Does it represent something?. All of these things would make no sense to me unless I understood the holy book and knew the story of the Last Supper.

Doctor Paul C. Johnson highlights the many different ways that cultures and religions mix and change over time in his book Syncretism and Hybridization and what the different ways that they mix are. Johnson’s definition of syncretism “syncretism was used in an expanded sense as a comparative adjective applied to religions”(Johnson 760). Candomble and Spiritism shows many examples of syncretism due to the religions being born out of the Catholic Church. The Catholic influences are seen with saints and deities being interwoven. That concept is also shown in Santeria due to the Catholic Church being an institution of power and importance in the Spanish empire just like the Catholic church was a powerful institution in the Portuguese government. The importance of cowrie shells in divination rituals is very similar to those found in Nigerian Yoruba practices which shows the Syncretic nature of the Diasporic religions Candomble and Spiritism.

Johnson, Paul C., Michael Stausberg, and Steven Engler. The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion. First ed., New York, Oxford University Press, 2016.