Greg, Tessa, Alyssa, Reshma, Joe
Haitian Vodou Altar

Vodou is a Haitian creole word that describes an official religion of Haiti that contains bits of Roman Catholicism within its belief system. Vodou was creolized and forged by Dahomean, Kongo, Yoruba, and other African ethnic group descendents. These African ethnic groups had been enslaved and brought to modern-day Haiti, then called Saint Domingue, and were christianized by missionaries of Roman Catholicism in the 16th and 17th centuries. The word “Vodou” means spirit or deity within the Fon language of the African Kingdom Dahomey, of where most early practitioners originated from.
Vodou’s fundamental principle is that everything possesses a spirit, and its primary goal/ activity is to offer prayers and devotional rites directed at God, and various spirits in return for health, protection, happiness, etc. During many of these rites, two very important parts to these rituals, are Spirit Possession, and the energy, or “spirit” from the Altar which is used during rituals. Spirit Possession is used to invite a god, or god(s), called “Iwa” into the vessel of the possessed, to do work within the ritual, usually by dancing and inviting the energy of the divine into the ritual. Along with the important concept of possession, the altar is a center for energy and intent. Altars within Vodou have objects placed on them to collect energy, and use that energy within rituals. Objects placed on an Altar can range from a loved one’s perfume to bring their energy into a ritual, an object belonging to a loved one, a statue made in the like-lines of a god to ask for their assistance, crystals, jewelry, etc.
Vodou has been largely syncretized, or has had other religious beliefs blended into it, such as many beliefs from Roman Catholicism, such as the concept of the Altar. Within Roman Catholicism, the altar is a sacred space designated to worship God, and his saints by placing his “body and blood” on the altar and blessing it. Similarly, within Vodou, the altar is used to hold objects such as statues to the gods that invoke and channel the energy to call upon the divine. Catholicism, within its altars, show the history of the religion by showing the life of Jesus Christ, and the history of the development of the religion such as words from the apostles, biblical tales of Jesus’s Humanity, chalices to resemble the one Jesus Christ used at the last supper, etc. Vodou and Catholicism both share the similar aspect of the Altar, however what makes the Vodou Altar at the Fleming Museum unique and distinctly of the Vodou tradition, is the blending of both objects that sanctify the gods, such as the Paket bottles for Ezili Danto, and the inclusion of objects that, like Catholicism, embrace the history of the religion, and where it sprouted from. The Vodou altar displays various objects that tell the story of how it was started, and how it became what it is today.
For example, how the altar reflects aspects of the Haitian Revolution within its symbolism, within the Flag of St. Jacques, one of the leaders of the Haitian Revolution whom is honored on the Altar. Ezili Danto, is also represented within the altar as a flag, and she was also considered a catalyst for the Haitian Revolution by dancing in the “head” of the priestess Cecile Fatiman on a night in 1791. Also, there exists some cross referencing between the historical references within the Altar, to its correlation of the spiritual purposes of the Altar’s persona and the objects on it. For example, how the Petwo and Rada spirits, “angry and calm” spirits, are on two representational sides of the altar, can also be interpreted as the energy of the slaves imprisoned during the Slave Trade, and how angry, vengeful, and “hot” they would be considered, and how the spirits were relieved of their pain and suffering in Death after they passed, before the end of the slave trade, and how some spirits had passed away physically due to brutality, or imprisonment during the Slave Trade, and even during the Revolution.

Purpose:
An altar is a place where ritual and sacrifice take place. It is where spiritual work and witchcraft are performed, and is considered the center of one’s religious life. The purpose of this altar is to act as a center of worship and offering to various Hatian gods and spirits (Iwa). The various Iwa are able to influence different aspects of Hatian life – practitioners aim to keep the Iwa happy, therefore altars such as this one are constructed to be used as places to make regular service to the Iwa. This altar was created with items from Professor J. Lorand Matory’s personal collection, and was assembled by various curators at the Fleming Museum.
A typical Hatian Vodou service begins with a recitation of prayers and songs in French, and then a litany in Hatian Creole and Langaj that goes through all the saints honored by the house/venue, followed by a series of verses for the main spirits being honored. As the songs are sung, spirits come and visit the ceremony, often taking possession of individuals and speaking through them. Drumming and dancing are also vital parts of Vodou rituals. These rituals typically take place at the altar sites, with the objects acting as connections to the Iwa. For example, the Paket Kongo that appears on the altar (boat with rainbow string of wrapped around stem) is dedicated to Papa Loko. Papa Loko is considered the founder of all priests, and the guardian of the deepest secrets in Hatian Vodou. Loko is so powerful that he never makes an appearance through possession–his power and being are too supreme for humans to face. Papa Loko is also a doctor, so practitioners might pray to him through song and recitation at this altar to ask for good health and a cure for any ailments. Papa Loko’s power is known by all in the world of Vodou, so he is a popular and well-known deity to offer service and worship to at Vodou altars.
Another example of a ritual that might take place could be the ritual purpose of the colorful flag depicting Lasiren, the queen of the ocean. Lasiren is an Iwa of wealth, and owns all the riches of the sea. A flag showing an artistic representation of Lasiren is shown as a part of this altar in order to please her and show that practitioners are hopeful that through ritual, she will watch over them and guide them to wealth and prosperity. Her flag is adorned with bright colors and sequins, proudly on display on the wall above the altar in hopes to please the goddess of wealth with beauty and extravagance, encapsulating the idea of luxury she is said to stand for.

Macoute Shoulder Bag for Vodou God Azaka – straw bag with red string holding it together, with red, blue and straw tassels.

Paket Kongo for Grann Marie Bossou – Blue and red ribbon base with two blue structured ribbon arms out the side. Red, blue and black feathers come out of the top. This is meant to be a portrayal of lwa Grann Marie Bossou, who is sympathetic to and helps out those who have been betrayed.

Paket Kongo for Ezili Freda – Red string cloth base with white stem and green and red feathers at the top. It acts as a representation of Ezili Freda, god of wealth, love and coquetry.

Paket Kongo for Ezili Danto – Rainbow of string wrapped around stem, with red and yellow feathers on top, green string around the base with a blue string heart at the top of the base. Embodiment of Ezili Danto, the protector of children.

Bottle for Ezili Freda – gold sequin bottle with black sequin heart in center filled with red, blue, pink, and grey sequin squares. This bottle would be placed on an altar for Ezili Freda filled with rum and spices that the Iwa prefer.

Haitian flag – small ~5×7 in. Haitian flag, there to represent the heritage and spirit of the haitian vodou religion

Rèn Congo- the base wrapped in pink silk ribbon, wrapped by green satin cloth. The green cloth is beaded green and pink with peacock feathers extending out from the top. Arms extend out from the base wrapped in pink satin ribbon.
This object is placed here to represent the Queen of the Kongo, the Iwa of knowledge and good luck. Once the Pakét Congo is activated it has the ability to talk back to whoever may be worshiping. The body resembles that of a women and the peacock feathers represent the crown of the queen.

Bottle of Florida Water – used in rituals within Vodoun. In front of the Ren Cong, so most likely offering to the Queen of Kongo.

Bottle for the Haitian Vodou Lwa Bossou- Decorated with cloth covered by sequins and beads that for the shape of a bull’s head. Bossou is the bull god of the Haitian religion. The bottle will be filled with a specific kind of liquor and spices. During rituals the person possessed by Lwa is the only one who can handle the strength of drinking what’s in the bottle.

Lwa Kafou- box shaped structure covered in black and red cloth. There is a crucifix as well as a spoon and fork arranged on top. Kalfou is the god of the crossroads. Kalfou is the counterpart to Legba in the Petwo nation. He can be associated with fighting and making war. He allows people to cross over, between the world of the living or the world of the dead, as well as deny them too.

Flag For Ezili Dantó- Green flag covered in detailed beading showing a mother and a daughter figure. Ezili Danto represents the single mother figure. She defends her children and also gives them strength. She can be seen as aggressive and fierce but all to protect her children.

Dambalah Flag- Dusty rose colored fabric with triangles in the form of squares on the border. Two green and red snakes coiled around two red croziers and between them is an outlines heart. This represents Iwa Dambalah. The snakes represent the love between him and his wife. He can be known as the snake divinity.

Colorful Handkerchiefs – each handkerchief is a solid color that is hung on the front of the altar. Each color represents a god. The red for example represents Kalfou. During possession the handkerchief of the god who is possessing the person will be wrapped around the person.

Coca-Cola Bottle- this bottle is here an an offering to Kalfou. He likes coke therefore this bottle is here to please him.

Bacardi- this liquor is here as an offering to (what Iwa is represented behind bottle). This is his favorite therefore this is what is offered to him.

True Grenadine- also here as an offering to the Iwa. It is meant to keep them happy and satisfied.

Anisette- another liquid that is being placed her to be used as an offering to the Iwas. This is again meant to keep them happy in the hopes of not angering them. Which in turn would cause trouble.

Flag of Ogou/St. Jacques: This flag depicts Saint Jacques/Ogou on a horse with a man lying on the ground, and other people in the background that seem to be ready to fight. Ogou is a warrior spirit. Such flags are made as gifts to the Iwa.

Bottle for Bawon Samdi: This bottle is purple and covered in black and lavender sequins with a picture of Bawon Samdi, a spirit associated with death and fertility. They work to remind worshipers to live live with exuberance. This bottle is a tribute to Bawon Samdi, in order to keeo him happy.

Haitian Sacred Rattle (Asson) with Snake Bones: This rattle is made of medium brown wood and has a bead covering on it that makes noise when shaken. This is used in a ritual setting, but does not belong to a specific Iwa.

Bottle for the God Kwiminèl: This bottle is wide, red, and decorated with red and blue sequins. Kwiminel is a divinity known for its combination of eros and thanatos. Kwunubek is a convicted murderer awaiting the death penalty for such crimes. This bottle is an offering to please Kwunubek.

Pots for Marassa Trois: Dedicated to the Marassa twins (though sometimes there are 3). These pots look like they are made of clay, and serve as an offering to the twins.

Paket Kongo and boat for Agwe – Paket Kongo sits inside a straw boat, with blue, red and green feathers/ribbons sticking out. The feathers and ribbons on top of the boat are meant to be a representation of and means of communicating with the gods.

Rhum Barbancourt – white rum bottled and produced in Haiti.

Sirop D’Orgeat – sweet almond-barley syrup, next to Paket Kongo and boat for Agwe, most likely an offering for him

Bottle for Minocan – Multicolored bands of sequins wrapped around bottle, two snakes of bronze sequins also wrapped around the outside. The variety of color is meant to represent many different Iwa without offending any of them.

Libation Bottle for the Gods Sin Majè/Ogou and Èzili Dantò – red, blue and white sequins covering the bottle with pictures Catholic Saints on the front. Roman Catholic saint Sin Maje is meant to represent Ogou, the red and blue colors are those of Ezili Danto.

Flag for Lasiren – flag depicting Lasiren, the queen of the ocean, as a mermaid. Being the goddess of the deep ocean, this flag is meant to represent her power and ability to lure people into the ocean, much like a siren

Statue of Twins – plaster statue of twin saints Cosmas and Damien, these twins are meant to represent the Iwa known as the Marasa. This statue is meant to be an embodiment of the Marasa.

When viewing the Haitian altar, the first items that somebody may see are the huge flags, or perhaps the color coordination of the altar. The flags are not typical items that are present on a Haitian altar; however, Professor Matory said to us that flags have become more of a symbolic item. The flags represent the Haitian revolution and the struggles the people of that country went through to get to where they are today. The flags were also gifts for Professor Matory. By looking at the flags you can tell how elaborately made they are and he felt that they were too pretty to not hang up so he added to them to the altar as well. Most altars used for the practice of Vodou are much less expensive, and are more practical. The next thing that is very noticeable is the colors or handkerchiefs that are hung on the front of the altar. The colors go from dark to light, and each color represents a Haitian god. They are used for spirit possession when a ceremony is taking place. The god that possesses the person has their symbolic colored handkerchiefs draped on the person being possessed. The altar is also covered with bottles of liquor and many different liquid items. These are all here as offerings to the gods. The certain liquors placed on the altar are what each god prefers. The bottle is placed in close proximity to the god that is represented by its Paket Kongo. These would be the odd looking structures that are on the altar: for example the black and red structure, which represents Kafu. The sculptures are set up in a certain way, with all the Petwo gods on the left and the Rada gods displayed on the right. The Petwo gods like more of the rough and hard drinks whereas the Rada like the smoother European liquors. Therefore, in the layout of the altar, the rough liquors are on the right and the European liquors are on the left, representing the transition from Petwo to Rada. One common thing associated with Haitian Vodou are “zombies”. Despite the instinctive response of zombies that comes to mind, Haitian zonbi are nothing like the glorified “zombies” known in Western media. The spirits of the zonbi are better known as the spirits of the dead that have been captured and brought back to work for someone. Western zombies are often the living dead, come back to kill the living and eat them; nothing like Haitian zonbi. Zonbi that reside on altars are often placed in bottles with elaborate beading and decoration. Some zonbi may be spirits that are related to whomever own the altar. Other times, as shown on this particular altar, the spirits residing in the bottles are spirits of the gods.
Other things that are displayed on this altar aren’t directly associated with the gods, but function as other “accessories” for the gods. One thing that is a little hard to display in a museum would be the food offerings. In Vodou, it’s customary to provide food to the gods on an altar, and the cooking and arranging of food is an important ritual. Unfortunately, our altar resides in a museum, making it difficult to provide food for the gods due to the rules and regulations that a museum faces. A fake cake sits in the center of our altar, with ceremonial candles placed on each side of the cake. This is meant to represent the food that would be offered. The two chairs on either side of the altar are for sitting, but sometimes a doll may be on the chair of an altar instead to symbolize someone sitting in the chair. The teacup in the front of the altar is used to hold libations for the gods or used to hold wicks with olive oil and honey to make prayer stronger. The maraca looking objects are used in the ceremony and to communicate or salute to the gods. Dr. Matory, the creator of the altar, informed us that the necklace is often worn by a Haitian priest during a ritual. Each bead or pattern represents each god in its colors. It is worn in a way that the spirits envelope people and include them all as a community, and to provide protection during a ritual. The statuette of twins represents the Marasa, the sacred twins of Vodou. The statuette is placed on the altar during rituals and food associated with children is offered to it. The three urns are pots for the Marasa. As long as the Vodou altar follows the basic blueprint of having Petwo and Rada spirits (and their associated bottles and liquids) on different sides, and the scheme of light to dark, the exact placement and specifics of an altar is left up to the creator. The altar is a creative structure, and no two altars will look the same.
From the perspective of the altar, we can learn more about religion than we realize. The study of religion is a field that can often be majorly biased without malicious intent. Too often, religions of the world are studied by Westerners in the way that they study Western religions such as Christianity, Judaism, or Islam. Religions such as these are often studied and categorized by their beliefs and their ideas of gods, holy spirits, and morality. Western religions often idolize those who live without materiality such as Mother Teresa, and focus on becoming a pure individual with no greed or lust. These beliefs of spirituality and morality can be a good way to observe some religions, but not all religions in the world are defined by such beliefs. Many religions have more facets than just spirituality; religions can also be seen from aspects of materiality, storytelling, rituals and traditions, and more. The Western way of viewing religions isn’t universal and in many cases, it just doesn’t work.
By observing altars and materiality, one can observe a whole new side of religion that may have been invisible before. While approaching religion from this angle may not provide much insight into religions such as Christianity that promote modesty and dissuade materialism, many other religions place objects in a role that is essential to their worship. For example, altars in religions of the African diaspora such as Yoruba, Vodou, Santeria, and Candomble often have symbolic bottles, calabashes, or other tokens of worship. Worshipping objects that contain the spirits of gods or that were purposefully placed upon an altar to please the gods is an important part of many non-Western religions, and is an act often overlooked when religions are studied from a purely Western perspective. By focusing our study on altars, we as outsiders gain a deeper understanding of religions such as Vodou than we would have from simply trying to understand Vodou from a perspective of spirituality and morality. However, studying the altars of a religion isn’t a perfect method of understanding the religion either, especially when trying to manage the difficulties that arise from an outsider trying to define a religion they aren’t involved in. There are many aspects to a religion, and just because someone is studying a concept such as materiality that is more active in a certain religion doesn’t mean that they suddenly have all of the answers. There’s a lot to consider in the study of religions, such as ritualistic actions, music and storytelling, and worship.
While an altar might be a good entry way to learn about Vodou, it isn’t an all-encompassing perspective. This also brings up the perspective of the outsider – someone studying a religion from the outside won’t be able to understand aspects of the religion without being influenced by personal bias or ignorance. For example, while an outsider may view an altar as objects on a table, a practitioner of the religion will be able to see true meaning behind the objects and how they’re arranged to channel spirits or please gods. Putting emphasis on defining a religion by its materiality is a way that can promote the blindness that comes with the view of the outsider, even if it’s a preferable alternative to only focusing on a Western study of religion. Altars also viewed by people studying religion are often viewed in situations out of context, such as in a museum. By taking the altars out of context, it can often take away a huge aspect of the altar’s meaning and purpose. The study of altars as a means of defining religion through materiality is not perfect, yet it does provide a more appropriate viewpoint of religions such as Vodou in which materiality is important. Overall, although materiality may not be an comprehensive view from which to study religion, it remains invaluable for its ability to encourage outsiders to begin to look at religions from non-Western perspectives and to broaden the way that Westerners view religions that they aren’t familiar with.

Jack Bechtold, Noah Stommel, Wyatt Kowalchuk

Professor Matory’s Spiritist Altar

As one enters the “Spirited Things” exhibit at the Fleming Museum, an altar belonging to Professor Lorand Matory adorned with framed portraits and wine glasses comes into focus. A plaque beside the altar indicates that Spiritism or Espiritismo, to which this altar belongs, is an African diasporic religion most practiced in Brazil, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic. Throughout the centuries since the slave trade, multiple religions from a variety of cultures have syncretized to form Spiritism, including those of Native Americans, Africans, and Europeans. Further elaborated upon by the museum plaque is that Spiritism has a foundation based heavily on the writings of a nineteenth century Frenchman named Allan Kardec. Spiritism is a highly variable religion of syncretized traditions, in which we see practitioners following a religious base that can express itself in different ways. The core of Spiritism focuses on the dead, and how one can connect the spiritual world with the human world to solve problems.

Known for “generating a niche of practice premised on a loose set of common assumptions regarding the realm of spirits and its influences on the living” (Santo 4, 2015), Spiritist altars provide a sense of both conventional religiosity and personal reverence for ancestors. Espiritistas or Spiritists, profess to receive authentic spiritual insights through visions and dreams directly from God. There is no reason for them to believe that their religious communications are a result of the combinations seen between the many cultures present in New World nations (Romberg 77, 1998). Practitioners believe Spiritism is ultimately an independent religion, and not just a hybrid resulting from various other cultures. However, this brings us to an important observation that considers how Spiritism puts emphasis on the reverence of one Christian God. As inspired by Kardec’s writings, the God seen in Christianity is to be the ultimate spiritual form of intelligence in the universe, and all spirits who are fundamentally worshipped by Spiritists are manifestations of God (Romberg 71, 1998). Another prime example of how multiple cultures have mixed to form Spiritism is in the case of Christian saints representing West-African Orisha equivalents in rituals (Garoutte & Wambaugh 158, 2007). Not only have European and African traditions undergone mixing, but they have come to mirror one another, intertwining in such a way that religious figures are paralleled.

The syncretic qualities of Spiritism allow us to gain an understanding of where certain Spiritist values are derived from. Spiritism is oriented around communication with ancestors that often takes place in the form of spirit possession (Bettelheim 314-315, 2005). Interestingly, this core value of Spiritist belief in communication with ancestors is believed to have been a result of syncretization with Native American cultures (Romberg 70,1998). In connection to syncretization, altar construction is considered “fluid, mixing a variety of religious systems and iconographies and inventing new ones” (Bettelheim 314, 2005), hence the inclusion of objects of apparent Christian origin, like Object 3 on Professor Matory’s altar. An element of these altars that is chiefly Spiritist is the horizontal layout as represented by Object 7. As a practitioner becomes more experienced, the altar will become more adorned with objects, often involving portraits of the ancestors who are to be worshipped (Bettelheim 315, 2005). Professor Matory’s altar honors his and his wife’s ancestors, who are rendered present through objects and photos. Continue reading →

The Altar-native Perspective of Afto-Atlantic Religions 

Background Information

The concept of aṣe is ever present in the construction and use of Yoruba altars. In order to understand Yoruba art, you have to understand aṣe. Everything has aṣe, it is power, authority, energy, and it is vital. All objects on Yoruba altars have aṣe. Yoruba altars are constructed differently based on which oriṣa they are for, and who makes the altar. The consistency in objects that you may find on Yoruba altars would be the symbols and colors of the god that they are for. Blue and white would be on an altar for Yemoja, as well as symbols of the ocean and twin figures. Yemoja is the mother of the waters, she is associated with salt water, motherhood, children, the full moon, pregnancy, and women. She gave birth to fourteen other oriṣas, leading her to be the protector of children. Altars for her will also sometimes contain symbols of her son, Ṣango, the god of thunder. Yoruba altars can be general or they can be personal, and more often than not they are personal. There may be objects on an altar that are not traditional or not found on most altars for the oriṣa the altar is for. The oriṣas are not strangers to change, they welcome it, and so if something on an altar is not traditional, the oriṣas have no problem with it.

The Yoruba people are a people in southwestern and north-central Nigeria as well as southern and central Benin. During the transatlantic slave trade, many of the slaves that ended up in the Americas and in the Caribbean were Yoruba. The Yoruba religion mixed with Christianity and many oriṣas now have counterparts to Saints. Yemoja’s syncretized counterpart is Our Lady of Regla. Yemonja is linked with the oriṣa Olokun, who represents the bottom of the sea. According to Yoruba myths, Yemonja originated in the Oke Ogun area in Nigeria. She is often portrayed as the wife of different make oriṣas like Obatala and Orisha Oko. Oriṣas are sorted into two groups based on temperament. They are generally organized in the categories of “hot” and “cool/calm.” Yemoja is on the cool/calm side, whereas oriṣas like Ṣango or Ogun are “hot.” According to Yoruba cosmology Yemoja is said to be the mother of Ogun, Ṣango, Oya, Oṣun, Oba, Orisha Oko, Osoosi, and Babalauiye, but she was closest with her son, Ṣango.

The altar for Yemoja in the Fleming Museum is specifically for Yemoja of the One Cowrie Necklace. This Yemoja is specific to Professor Lorand Matory, who created this altar with help from a Yoruba priestess. This Yemoja’s personality reflects Professor Matory’s personality and his personality reflects hers. The altar features many traditional and nontraditional aspects of Yoruba altars.

Some of the nontraditional objects include the photos found on the altar. One of them (1) depicts a priest of Yemoja in Nigeria who commented on Professor Matory’s relationship with his now wife. The photographs represent Professor Matory’s relationship with his Yemoja and his personal history with the people of Yemoja. More traditional objects on the altar are the Ìbeji (3, 22) and the embodiment of Yemoja (25). There are the Ère Ìbejì Ìbẹẹ̀ta, which are triplet statuettes (3) and then there are the Ère Ìbejì, the twin figures (22). It is said that Yemoja took in the Ìbejì and raised them. In Yoruba culture, twins are special and viewed as magical, the Ìbejì represent motherhood and the protection of children on this altar. The embodiment of Yemoja, found in the middle of the altar, shows Yemoja as a mermaid within a large calabash vessel. Yemoja is usually depicted as a double-tailed mermaid due to her association with the river Ogun and with salt water. The river stone (27), is another water symbol to help bring Yemoja’s presence to the altar along with all the other objects.

Objects described in the item catalog are marked with numbers that correspond with the diagram of the altar shown above.

Another somewhat nontraditional object on the altar is a blue candle (11). Traditionally, lanterns are used, however, the lanterns are usually small earthenware dishes with a kind of mouth with a cotton wick sticking out, and when they’re lit they create a lot of smoke. The replacement of the lantern with the candle is an example of syncretism in African diasporic religions. The type of candle found on the altar is a kind of “safety” candle usually found in churches. It is also borrowed from Latin American traditions in religions like Santeria and Candomblé.

Although the altar is primarily for Yemoja, there are objects for Ṣango, Yemoja’s son, found on the altar. In Yoruba mythology, Yemoja was very close with her son Ṣango. He is honored on this altar with pink beads around the blue candle (11), a thunder staff (9), and the Aso Oke beneath all of the objects on the altar (28). Worship of Ṣango is often overlapped with the worship of Yemoja due to the familial connection between them.

It is not just aṣe that makes altars work, it is also the objects on them. Altars for Yemoja will have twin figures, water symbols, symbols of motherhood, and things that she likes, such as gin. Altars may be elaborate but they can also be simple. It is not how big or how extravagant an altar is that makes it work. Yoruba art is never created with the “art for art’s sake” mindset, it is always created with a mindset of “art for life’s sake.” Art is always created with a purpose and that purpose is part of the aṣe that the object has.

Yoruba altars are not usually constructed for museum exhibits. Putting them on display for others generally takes them out of cultural context and into a setting where they can be harder to understand. The altars are used to worship oriṣas and to communicate with them. The art on them is for the oriṣas and shows which oriṣa the altar is for. The objects are usually activated through their arrangement on the altar, ritual, food, water, and light. Once charged with aṣe, Yemoja can be called to and worshipped. The power of Yoruba art and the aṣe in the objects on the altar can bring an oriṣa’s presence to the altar where worshipers can personally connect with them and speak with them.

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Background:

Santeria or Regla de Ocha is an African-Cuban religion that is part of a group of religions that are referred to as part of the African Diaspora. The religious practices of many different parts of Sub-Saharan Africa were brought over to the Americas by enslaved African people from the 1500s to the 1800s. The pantheon of many gods from many different religions began to take shape as those who were enslaved made an effort to keep their heritage and religious traditions alive despite the lack of any rights. The many gods have roots in Modern day Nigeria, Angola, and Congo. The mixture of religions and loss of some deities is due to loss of ability to practice a religion that is focused on material objects and rituals because of enslavement and social ostracization.

Cuba’s diasporic religion is known as Regla de Ocha, Santeria, or Lucumi. The religion incorporates religious practices from Africa, Christianity, and those of the indigenous people of Cuba. Most of the Religion’s practitioners are also baptized members of the Roman Catholic church which is due to the Spanish influence over the enslaved people who were brought over and the subsequent forced conversion to Christianity by the Spanish empire.

Catholic saints each have a corresponding orisha that represents them in Santeria. Yemaya the goddess of the sea and the Virgin Mary are worshipped as one due to the two religious icons similarities for what they represent. Due to the almost immediate integration of the saints into the religion the practitioners of the religion were then able to practice the religion. This was because the way the rituals and worship were done it appeared as though the Catholic saints were being worshipped. Although practices were still confusing and suspect to those who didn’t practice it due to the saints being revered more than jesus. This resulted in the name Santeria meaning worship of saints. Despite it confusing the authorities, it wasn’t banned which allowed the religion to exist in a place where it otherwise could have been considered witchcraft or even blasphemy.

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 caused the religion to spread as the new government outlawed all religion and many practitioners escaped the country and came to the United States. Then in 1974 the Church of Lucumi Babalau Aye was created in Hialeah Florida as the first official Santeria worship site in the United States. Most of the practitioners who escaped Cuba during the revolution escaped to Florida due to its close proximity to the island nation and as a result formed a Cuban community in Florida.

One of the most important parts of Regla de Ocha is animal sacrifice. The animal being sacrificed is then used in some way and is always eaten at some point either during or after the ritual. Drinking the blood of the animal that is sacrificed is often also practiced during the ritual to cleanse the spirit of the person consuming it. In Hialeah florida in 1987 the city outlawed animal sacrifice which caused the priest of the church of the Lucumi Babalau Aye to take the city to court. The trial eventually made it all the way up the the Supreme Court which ruled against the city in 1993 and declared the law unconstitutional because it went against the First Amendment’s free practice of religion clause.

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I went to Daniel Rodriguez’s lecture on Santeria on November 15. He gave an overview of Santeria but also talked about how it’s viewed in culture and media. One of the things he talked about that I found really interesting was the assigning of orishas to people. In Santeria people have “head orishas” that are their main orisha and although they may also honor other orishas, that one will still be their main orisha. He specifically mentioned Obatala and the story of the creation of the human race. Obatala was tasked with creating humanity, however he got drunk and when he was drunk he decided that that was the best time to start creating humans. He ended up creating humans with deformities, such as missing limbs or birth defects. Rodriguez said that kids who are born missing limbs, or with birth defects, or autism are immediately initiated to Obatala because they are seen as being his children.

He also talked about the way Santeria is viewed by outsiders. The name “Santeria” has a negative connotation because of the ways the media portrays it. There’s a song by the artist Sublime that has the lyrics “I don’t practice Santeria,” and one thing that I’ve seen with the media’s portrayal of Santeria was in an episode of Criminal Minds where a killer they were trying to catch was a practitioner of Santeria. They pretty much only showed the pieces that could be viewed as wrong, such as rituals with animal sacrifice. Rodriguez stated that many practitioners of Santeria actually call it Regla de Ocha, meaning “the order of the orishas.” However, he also mentioned that there was some controversy about it because some people want to use the name Santeria in order to sort of reclaim it and try to change the connotation but many would also much rather use the name Regla de Ocha.

Overall I found his lecture incredibly interesting, not to mention the fact that he was funny and very interesting. He talked a lot about ritual and about what being initiated is like and about how it’s not for everyone. In class we talked a lot about the outsider’s point of view, especially at the beginning of the class with the article about the Nacirema. Daniel Rodriguez’s lecture made me think a lot about the outsider’s point of view and how understanding the religion is a big part of not perpetuating the ignorance around Santeria.

On November 28, 2017 at 5:00 p.m. Doctor Paul C. Johnson spoke at the Waterman Lounge at the University of Vermont about the African diasporic religion of Candomble. Doctor Paul C. Johnson is a professor at the University of Michigan, and has published books on topics like Candomble and spirit possession. Interestingly enough, Doctor Johnson’s book on spirit possession was called Spirited Things: The Work of “Possession” in Afro-Atlantic Religions, which in turn was used as the title of the Flemming museum exhibit, “Spirited Things”.

Doctor Johnson’s lecture centralized on the development of Candomble with a focus towards spirit possession. He did this by contrasting the way they practice Candomble in Brazil versus how it is practiced in the Bronx, and then analysing the differences between the two. Introducing spirit possession into the picture, made it very interesting to see how in some places, they can freely practice, but in places like New York, an adequate venue would only be available at a certain time on a certain day of the week. Towards the end, he steered his focus towards gender and brought about a new light towards the religion of Candomble. It was intriguing how it seemed that Candomble definition of gender is more focused on the attributes of a character, like calm, relaxed, angry and aggressive, and as with many of African Diasporic religions, men would tend have more of the hot characteristics, while women would more likely have cooler traits.

This connected directly to what we are talking about in my religion class for a multitude of reasons. The most direct connection, is that we have read a chapter out his book Secrets, Gossip and Gods: The Transformation of Brazilian Candomblé which includes a more clear explanation of Candomble defines gender. In describing the Orisa, he uses Juana Elbein dos Santos reading that determined their traits to be, “female: earth and water: white: “coolness”: primordial mas :: male: sky and fire: red/black: “heat”: individual creation”. Another link between the lecture and what we have learned about in class, is when he discussed the aspects of spirit possession. When looking into the Haitian Vodou religion, we focused heavily on spirit possession, including how it theoretically works, how it is practiced, why it is practiced, and more. However, this lecture made me think about the more realistic side spirit possession that did not seem to come up in class, and that is the space and time. Especially in America, where spirit possession is thought of as witchcraft, it is important to think about how each individual participating in the ritual has to drop everything they’re doing at certain time, and go to whatever space is available for them to use. This speaks tremendously to the amount of faith they must have in their religion, and how tremendously the religion is a part of them.

Overall, I would say that Doctor Johnson did a great job of bring up interesting and complex ideas. I will say however, that his style of presentation seemed a little too monotone, and that it would sometimes sound like he was rambling on. I think that simply adding more flair to the lecture’s content (introducing a thought provoking idea), instead of focusing on the aesthetics would result in a more enticing lecture.  

Joe P

I went to the lecture Thrones of the Gods and Altars of the Soul that was presented by a man named Daniel Rodríguez. This lecture took place at 6:00 pm on Wednesday, November 15th. Mr. Rodríguez came to speak to us about his work as an altar builder. He works specifically on Santeria altars. The spectacular Santeria birthday altar in the Spirited Things exhibit was built by Mr. Rodríguez and the Flemming museum staff. Mr. Rodríguez spoke to us about his work and how he is an Obá Oriaté. An Obá Oriaté is a person who helps worshipers find their guardian Orisha. The reason he was invited to speak was to give us a more in-depth look into the background of the Santeria religion due to the fact that he is an Obá Oriaté.
Mr. Rodríguez started the lecture off with a brief definition of Santeria for those in the audience who had never been exposed to this before. He explained that Santeria is a product of religious syncretism between Christianity and the religions of the African diaspora. After he felt that had given the audience enough background information. Mr. Rodríguez started going into detail about certain religious practices of Santeria like healing rituals, the practice of animal sacrifice, and importance of colors and clothing. After describing the religious practices of Santeria worshipers Mr. Rodríguez started to talk about the significance of altars in relation to Santeria. He explained that your altar is supposed to grow with the worshiper, and that they are not supposed to remain constant. For example, the Altar of a young child who just built their altar should be nowhere near as extravagant as the altar of an elderly worshiper who has been adding to their altar their entire life. Directly after this Mr. Rodríguez invited us into the exhibit to answer any questions.
This lecture was incredibly specific. The Santeria religion is a great example of syncretism because it truly is a mix of Christianity and the religions Christianity and Yoruba. Mr. Rodríguez touched on this, but within the work that we have done in altars of the black Atlantic we learned how the slaves were brought over to the Americas with their own religions and beliefs. once here they were forced to practice Christianity. the possession of any “false deities” could get you killed, so the slaves used the Christian saints that matched up with the characteristics of their gods. This is why Santeria is called Santeria. Santeria means “worship of saints”.
This lecture was more than worth my time. Mr. Rodríguez was a great speaker, and his work as an Obá Oriaté was something I hadn’t been exposed to before. His work with helping people find their guardian Orisha was incredibly interesting. I wish we could have had him speak with the class. I think that a Q&A session with him about his work would have been awesome. Mr. Rodríguez was obviously very passionate about his work, which made the lecture what it was. If he didn’t have the passion that he had the lecture would have been interesting, but not nearly what it was.

On November 15th, Daniel Rodriguez, an initiated priest of Santeria gave a talk titled “Thrones of the Gods, Altars of the Soul”. He spoke about Cuban Santeria, in the sense of how it is meshing with modern society and spoke about his experience growing up in the Santeria tradition. Rodriguez also gave a very detailed description of each Orisha represented within the birthday altar of the Fleming Museum.

Rodriguez began his talk, with a brief introduction to Santeria. Also called Regla de Ochá or “gift of the Orishas”. Santeria’s name originated from Spain from the Spanish word Santero, which means sculptor, and this was the word used because before Santeria was an accepted practice, practitioners used to disguise their Orisha’s as catholic sculptures. However the word Santeria, split up means Santo, or saint and “ería” which in the Spanish language means a store or seller of something.

Rodriguez then began to tell the audience, that Santeria in very recent times in our society has come under fire, being negatively associated with Witchraft, or “devil’s work”. This was a main point of Rodriguez’s talk, as he spoke very passionately about Santeria, and he creates a very valid point, of the benefits of speakers like him, speaking authentically about the traditions and practices of Santeria, from a personal point of view.

Santeria, as a religion, is one that had been brought from Africa through slavery to the Caribbean. Today Santeria is considered a non mainstream religion, but to many is considered very “new age” and esoteric. Santeria is heavily based on a system of Hierarchy between practitioners, that is achieved through years of studying, practicing, and dedication to the Orisha and to Santeria. Rodriguez has been initiated for 31 years, and has built himself as a priest, and as a knowledgable practitioner. Rodriguez disclosed to us, the audience that when you are first initiated, you are given a few Orisha to worship, and eventually throughout your practice and moving up in the Hierarchy you gain more Orisha, and Rodriguez related this concept to the birthday altar. He mentioned that even though this altar is extravagant, altars for practitioners are usually smaller scale than this one, even for Rodriguez, a long-time initiate of Santeria.

Rodriguez began giving detailed descriptions of each Orisha represented in the birthday altar. Including Olocun, Ochun, Oco, Chango, Inle, and most importantly Yemoja and Obatala. Obatala is the orisha, or god that is most associated with Jesus Christ within Catholicism. Yemoja is the focal point of the birthday altar, and Rodriguez tells us that Yemoja, the Orisha of the sea, translatlanic voyages, mother of the world, etc. can be distinguished by her high stance above the other Orisha within the altar. She sits highly on her pedestal surrounded by blue and white fabric, the colors most associated with her. Each Orisha has a place of hierarchy, and this is shown within each Orisha’s height within the altar. The Orisha’s hierarchy is as real as the hierarchy within practitioners of Santeria, and this is described by Rodriguez when he says that “ The gods are just like us, and we can identify with them, they are not all holy and all perfect”.

I believed that Thrones of the Gods Altars of the Soul was well worth attending. I learned greatly from Rodriguez’s point of view, and personal experiences with trying to break negative connotations associated with Santeria, and a brief history of both Santeria and each Orisha created a combination of history and culture within Santeria. Rodriguez, as an initiate of 31 years spoke highly and creatively about his practice, and what it means to him, his brothers and sisters, and the Orishas. I actually wanted to do more research about Santeria altars and about Initiation of Santeria practitioners, after the talk. I learned a great deal about the hierarchy of Santeria that I didn’t know existed, and the unique humanistic point of view looking at the orisha of Santeria.

Daniel Rodríguez is an initiated Santería priest, specifically a priest of Shango. His talk given on November 15th was focused on Cuban Santeria and was titled “Thrones of the Gods, Altars of the Soul. Rodríguez discussed the concept of Santería in today’s society and went over the significance of the Orishas represented in each piece in the birthday altar created in the Fleming Museum.

Due to recent events in our society, one major point of Rodríguez lecture was the negative notation associated with Santería. This is the reason why the word Santería has a negative reaction when said in today’s society because they associate this word with witchcraft. Rodríguez believed this was a very important topic to discuss to further understand the religion as a whole. He makes a point about the benefits that come from speakers like himself talking to a crowd about what is true about this religion.

The Afro-Cuban religion Santeria translated into “the way of Orisha” is a religion that was brought from Africa by slavery to the Caribbean. It is today the fasted nonmainstream religion in the world. It is based on a hierarchy which can be achieved by years of commitment to the religion and the Orishas. Rodríguez was initiated for 31 years, and over the years he has built himself to be a higher individual in the religion of Santeria, as a priest. When discussing the altar itself that is present in the exhibit in the Fleming Museum, Rodríguez makes a point to note that this is not what to expect for an individual like himself even though he has been a practitioner of Santeria since he was seven. When first initiated, an individual receives a few objects of a few specific Orisha. Initially, a practitioner only worships a small amount of Orisha and gradually can build up to gain more Orisha to worship. In sum, the altar in the Fleming Museum is a big extravagant representation of Santeria, but it does not represent the personal and simple altars found in homes of common initiates.

Yemoja is the goddess of this altar. Depicted by the arrangement of the altar, her high stance above all the other gods and goddesses surrounding her tells of her importance. The altar is also framed by blue fabrics, and her vessel is covered with white. Both these colors are associated with Yemoja. The other vessels are representing other gods and goddesses, but due to the shrine being devoted to Yemoja they must lie lower in height to honor her importance. This is an example of how the hierarchy is present in the religion of Cuman Santeria. Specific gods have positions in the religion. It is believed that Obatala is equivalent to Jesus. He is believed to have created all humans and all other Orisha. His high position is represented not only by their height in the altar but also their position from the center. Those closest to the center are thought to be higher in power.

Daniel Rodríguez’s talk on Cuban Santeria titled “Thrones of the Gods, Altars of the Soul was well worth attending. His topics of how Santeria is seen globally was fascinating to hear. I also took a lot from his analysis of the birthday altar. I knew previously that this was not an ordinary altar presented in average homes, but I was intrigued to hear that an initiate only starts out with very few Orisha to worship. I am curious to know how one gains Orisha to worship, how do individuals know which Orisha are right for them?