On September 26, I walked into the Spirited Things Exhibition at the Fleming Museum for an exclusive look at the unfinished exhibit. Greeting the class at the doorway was eshu-elegbara, an Orisa who specializes in spiritual communication. As the class was set free to roam, I moved past Eshu where a flash of tiger print caught my eye.  Looking at the object, front to back, I realized it was an outfit composed of a maroon shawl and a synthetic tiger print skirt. The shawl, which was separate strips of cloth woven together and decorated with cowry shells, had a shirt underneath which was also riddled with hundreds of cowry shells. There were so many shells stitched into the outfit that the wearer would likely experience a small party with each step, hundreds of jingling shells clacking together. As I looked closer at the outfit I noticed the mannequin had intricately woven braids as well. After this observation, I realized I had yet to look at the actual title of the artifact, it read “Attire of the Manifest God Ṣango.” This outfit is worn by those who been spiritually possessed by the Yoruba god Ṣango. I noticed in the reading that all devotees wear this outfit, and I wondered how this outfit contributed to spirit possession among those individuals. With this I began to investigate why the outfit worn by a bride was essential for spirit possession. In this essay I will provide background on Yoruba cultures and customs, and then explain how this outfit contributes to spirit possession.

Ṣango is the Yoruba god of thunder, who yields his Thunder Axe, Oshe, and now represents the powers of the Oyo kings. Glazier, author of “If Old Heads Could Talk” writes, ”Sango is the most powerful and the most feared Yoruba deity both in Africa and in the Diaspora.”  It is in his reputation that one can can really understand his power. Like previously mentioned, Ṣango takes many brides, as he manifests his soul in the body of his devotees. Miles Richardson, author of “Beyond Conversion and Syncretism”  illustrates that wives of Sango constantly bring about the áse and presence of the Orisa. This honors the god and creates an incentive for him to bless and protect those who worship him. However, hundreds of other Orisa are worshiped by Yoruba culture, particularly through the use of altars and different altar objects. These objects are set in a particular spacial arrangement which generates áse, the primordial life force residing within all beings.

Áse is essential to all Yoruba worship. It is áse that charges objects on an altar, giving them energy and turning them into more than just pieces of material. After objects are used in particular ways, áse can be generated and used to call spirits before those who have summoned them. Just as important as áse, are the physical objects on the altar which is being worshiped. Particular items can symbolize a broad range of different things, summoning and worshipping particular Orisa. Each object can be a particular offering to Orisa, for instance money or liquors are offerings which bring about áse and strive to enrich and nourish that Orisa.

Those who worship Sango specifically undergo spirit possession, where the soul or energy of a particular Orisa enters your body. Sango possession is a particular form of spirit possession where the bride can be either male or female. The term bride is gender inclusive of those devoted to Sango. Spirit possession in general has been typical of Yoruba culture since its origin and is a means of communication with the dead. It is in the crossover to a parallel reality where those undergoing possession can find solutions to problems, see future events, and communicate with their departed ancestors. It is a process that is deeply important, yet deeply hard to understand. In Yoruba culture they do not have the same notion that death means that person is completely gone, but spiritually transferred to a different world. It is through this world Yoruba people connect to the departed, keeping in touch with them, hopeful to return to their presence someday.

With this being said, the outfit worn by a bride of Sango must help link a devotee to the spirit of Sango himself. Previously stated, Yoruba culture primarily uses altars with many objects to bring about áse, which can summon different Orisa. However, in this worship there is no apparent altar. It was at this point in my research where I looked to a reading by Thompson where he states the altar of River goddess, Oṣun, is not a tangible altar, but instead the holy river she once touched. From this I could conclude that the body of a Sango devotee serves as the altar which calls to Sango. An altar does not have to be a physical structure, but anything decorated with objects to worship an Orisa.

If the body of a mount serves as the altar which worships Sango, then the outfit which they wear must consist of various artifacts which can summon the spirit of Sango. Glazier writes, “Sango devotees belief that illness and misfortune result from a lack of attention to the Orisa, and a belief that when properly attended to, will help them in their daily lives.” This serves as evidence to support why brides wear this outfit in relation to Sango. By wearing the outfit, brides are decorating their altars with power objects which bring about áse, summoning Sango to possess those who worship. From here, Sango can help them in their struggles. In the same article by Glazier, he states that devotees attempt to establish binding contracts with Sango by wearing this outfit, however Orisa are fluid and characterized by a large degree of uncertainty. It is by wearing this outfit brides try to solidify their commitment to Sango, constantly worshiping him throughout the day.

Each article of clothing represents something different, much like how individual altar objects represent different symbols as well. The synthetic tiger pelt worn by devotees represent Sango’s ferocity and power. The tiger is a jungle cat with a high social status on the food chain, Sango is similar to this in a lot of ways. He is a highly respected god, and resides high up in the Orisa hierarchy and shares the ferocity of a wild tiger. This pelt is used to symbolize those qualities on the altar, paying tribute to Sango’s strength.

Equally as important is the cowry covered shirt and shawl. First off, cowries were a form of West African currency. With this being said, the cowries are meant to enrich Sango with offerings of money. Also, the noise in which the shells make generate áse by the jingling they make. Often noise, particularly drums, are used in Yoruba ritual to bring about áse and coerce spirits to visit alters. The cowries can function as their own device, generating noise and drawing áse into the alter through movement and dance.

The braids worn by Sango brides are also an important object within the altar. The braids which mounts of Sango wear in their hair symbolizes their marriage to Sango. This style is called agogo and is taken very seriously, as different braiding patterns all symbolize different things. In Justine M. Cordwell’s “The Fabric of Culture,” he states “Devotees of Sango don’t shave their head after initiation…head shaving upon death marks passage from life and membership, to death and nonmembership.” This specific pattern of braiding is thus an altar object which broadcasts ones devotion to Sango and his worship.

By devotees wearing this particular outfit, they can create an altar on their bodies which invites Sango to possess them. The different elements of the costume embody Sango and draw áse to the body, inviting Sango to reside within his altar, the mount. By wearing the outfit the mount creates a particular spacial arrangement of objects, noises, and practices which act as any regular altar to draw Sango from the spirit world into the vesicle of the human body. With this being said, the outfit worn by a bride of Sango is meant to activate the presence of áse and call forth Sango to the human altar. The outfit is crucial in the physical spirit possession of a mount as it is the source of áse, the power which drives the ritual to success. From the hundreds of cowries, to the furious tiger pelt, each piece of the outfit serves as an altar symbol, an effort to communicate with Sango, the mighty god of thunder.

Bibliography of sources which research spirit possession among African Diaspora religions.

Cordwell, Justin M. The Fabric of Culture. Paris: Mouton Publishersn.d

I found this word using the library database, with keywords “Outfit of Sango’s Bride.” This source directly examines the clothing worn by different African cultures through an ethnographic lens. The portion I focused on was clothing worn by Sango devotees. This source illustrates the symbols behind the clothing worn by brides, in particular their styles of hair braiding.

This source is written by Corwell, in collaboration with other anthropologists. With this being said, the perspective is unbiased and aims to describe the different garments worn by different cultures.

Matory, J. L. Rival Empires: Islam and the Religions of Spirit Possession among the Ọ̀yọ́- Yorùbá. N.p.: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association, 1994.

I found this source using the keyword spirit possession within the Bailey Howe Library research database. This source directly examines spirit possession among Yoruba people, with a specific focus on possession among women. This source outlines motives behind possession, and how this helps to shape character and identity.

The source is written by Matory, an accomplished anthropologist. Matory writes strictly research based books where most of the information is from credible sources or first hand experience. With this being said, the information published is not biased it is ethnographic research aimed to published research regarding spirit possession within a broader religion.

Matory, J. L. Sex and the empire that is no more : gender and the politics of metaphor in Oyo Yoruba religion. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.

This sources was recommended to me by Doctor Vicki Brennan, a professor at the University of Vermont. In this source Matory makes a case for the existence of “meta-tropes” of gender in Yoruba spirit possession, illustrating these practices are deeply embedded in Oyo politics. Matory explains possession within the social and political context of local government, as in the case of traditional Songo and Yemoja possession in Oyo Yoruba religion. While doing this Matory broadcasts a community’s negotiation of personal power and the metaphors of gender among priests and priestesses.

Matory Writes from a non biased view point, providing factual information with wise anecdotes and metaphors to help understand difficult ideas which are foreign to our culture. Matory writes and researches with the intention of understanding, therefore the information published is accurate not only factually, but to the culture being researched as well.

Richardson, Miles. Beyond Conversion and Syncretism: Indigenous Encounters with Missionary Christianity. N.p.: Berghahn Books, 2011.

Richardson’s book contained a lot of solid information regarding Sango Spirit possession. Richardson illustrates the role devotees play in spreading the áse of Sango. He writes about how being a devotee is a constant practice which takes avid worship. It is through this worship Richardson states Sango rewards his followers.

Richardson writes ethnographically, illustrating the mindset of the Yoruba people who worship Sango. His writing is unbiased and informative. The contents, specifically on pages 146-156, were useful in understanding how áse played a role in possession.

Thompson, Robert F. Face of The Gods. New York City: The Museum of African Arts, 1993.

I originally discovered this source from reading it for a homework assignment. This particular Thompson article illustrates the altar of Osun, making a point to say that the altar is not physically constructed, but instead a naturally occurring river. This helped my research because it enabled me to make the connection between the body being used as an altar in ritual despite not being a typical altar.

Thompson writes from a colorful, non biased perspective. He tells a story with his research rather than regurgitating facts. These stories are unbiased and factual and written for general audiences. With this being said, Thompson writes well, but clearly and concisely.

There is more than what meets the eye; an old saying that resonated through my head as I paid my first visit to the “Spirited Things” exhibit at the University of Vermont’s Fleming Museum. This exhibit features sacred artifacts sourced from ancient West African religion as well as the diasporic communities that resulted from the displacement of African peoples as early as the 16^th century. Pacing the Museum space, my eyes quickly shifted from object to object searching for popping hues and intricacy. Turning the corner to view the second half of the museum space, I spotted one particular encased object that stood alone.

Labeled “Staff of Fate” (Opa Osun), this artifact seemed to have a gravitating affect due to its isolated position in the context of the museum. Approaching the object, I realized that it contained many rusted limbs hinting at its archaic age. Reading the provided information for the staff I learned that it was composed of chiefly iron. The object appeared to have levels near the top and bottom that resembled disks. On the outer rim of these disks lie many small iron sculpted birds that face the stalk of the staff. Between both of these disks, a larger adorned bird is presented to face outwards. The very top of the staff contains a conical shape that is attached to a tray that leads down below the upper-disc. Adjacent to the tray lies 4 narrow rusted bells that are fastened to the object, and this is symmetrically represented below the lower-disc as well.

The object as a whole relays a sense of authoritative commandment to the viewer, and I began to think whether or not the artifact remained this way in an exhibition environment that lacked originality. In this essay, I will explore if the Opa Osun staff is interpreted as an object that retains the same rules and guidelines of handling it in the museum surroundings. By determining this I hope to explain the significance of such an artifact in present day culture.

Western Africa is home to ancient Yorubaland, a civilization where kingdoms once flourished in a framework of revolutionary urbanization (Okediji 1997). Within these kingdoms, artistic representations of sculpture containing highly refined naturalistic elements prospered and became a vital part of the religious traditions of the Yoruba (Drewal, Pemberton, & Abiodun 1989). Craftsmen became highly skilled in the creation of sculpture using metals such as copper, brass, and bronze as well during this time. The Opa Osun Staff is an example of the refined craftsmanship that characterizes the artistic creations of Yoruba people. A time that can be considered a period of enlightenment in West Africa ended with the 18^th and 19^th century slave trade dispersal, resulting in various diaspora in the New World. Forcefully relocated to a foreign frontier, Yoruba traditionalists brought the religious devotion that was engraved in their culture and implemented its practices to garner strength against the harsh regiment of their new lives. One aspect of culture that is particularly vital to devotion is the concept of ase. In terms of the cultural ideas that made their way from the heart of Yorubaland to the New World, ase is the most important phenomenon that survived the transatlantic journey (Abiodun 2014). The Yoruba understand ase to be a force of power in all living and nonliving things. Religious objects found in the “Spirited Things” exhibit, inhabit the concept of ase, which solidifies an entity’s connection to the higher power orisa, or spiritual divinities, in turn giving the object purpose (Abiodun 2014).

Staffs similar to the Opa Osun are ase potent tools used by priests in Yoruba culture for many different ceremonies and initiations (Abiodun 2014). One purpose of an iron staff is to establish the presence of ase in the context of religious ceremony, wielded vertically in the right hand of a priest (Abiodun 2014). The role of these staffs in ceremonial context, particularly the orientation of the staffs in a priest’s hand, offers insight to the question posited. This leads to the explanation of the specific Opa Osun Staff as an embodiment of a particular owner. Being that the staff is related to the fate of those who associate with it, it must never be placed in a horizontal manner, as this act would bring tremendous ill-will to those associated (Duke University 2015??). This fact accounts for the vertical orientation in the hands of a priest.

Staffs similar to the Opa Osun are also used to satisfy spiritual bodies known as orisa in Yoruba culture. In one particular case, a staff is used as a sacrificial stand for the placement of animal parts. In a ceremony known as Itefa, an official will dismember a cock and place the individual parts of its body on the staff as an offering to the orisa Osun (Drewal and Thompson 1989). The role of a staff similar to the Opa Osun in this fashion further attests the stark power of such an object. Whether or not this object preserves the power it has for the duration of its standing is in question still. ———————————————————————————–

Bibliography

Abiodun, Rowland. Yoruba Art and Language: Seeking the African in African Art. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2014. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107239074.

Drewal, Margaret Thompson, and Henry John Drewal. “An Ifa Diviner’s Shrine in

Ijebuland.” African Arts 16, no. 2 (1983): 61-100. doi:10.2307/3335852.

Drewal, Henry John & Pemberton, John, 1928- & Abiodun, Rowland & Wardwell, Allen

(1989). Yoruba : nine centuries of African art and thought. Center for African Art in

association with H.N. Abrams, New York

Okediji, Moyo. “Art of the Yoruba.” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 23, no. 2 (1997):

165-98. doi:10.2307/4104382.

“Opa Osun, D027.” The Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic. Accessed October 30, 2017.

http://sacredart.caaar.duke.edu/.

Opa Osun. 2015. The Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic, Duke University, Durham.

Thompson, Robert Farris. Face of the gods: the artists and their altars. 1st ed. Vol. 28. Museum

for African Art, 1993.

Jamie Bottino

Noah Stommel

In a corner dedicated to gender representation in Yoruba religion at the Fleming Museum’s Spirited Things exhibit, alone sits a highly decorative Cuban Santeria soup tureen dedicated to the goddess Obba. Legend has it that this Orisha, the goddess of domestic duty and marriage, was tricked by her co-wife to Shango, the Orisha of thunder, to cut off her ear and serve it to him in a stew to win his affection (De La Torre 2004, 83). The soup tureen as an object of worship therefore seems ironically fitting. From an aesthetic standpoint, the tureen appears to be made out of a shiny ceramic material, and is painted bright pink. Both side handles and the single handle on the lid are embellished with gold paint. All around the tureen, strings of threaded golden beads adorn the sides. On opposing sides, as well as around the top handle, there are stars formed from cowrie shells. At the center of the stars on the side lie even more threaded beads.

Cuban Santeria is a religion syncretized between Catholicism brought to Cuba by Spanish colonists, and African-diasporic religion, introduced to the island through the African slave trade (Clark 2001, 21-22). The use of the soup tureen in Santeria has adapted from its origins in West Africa due to the influence of this religious syncretism, which is the fusing of religions to form a new one. However, through further examination of this tureen, it becomes apparent that its use is more so influenced by Yoruba-derived practices than by Catholicism.

The Catholic and Yoruba influences that both play at shaping this object’s purpose and activation methods was what fully captured my interest in this object. I believe that due to cultural mixing on the island of Cuba, there is much to be understood about the true purpose and meaning behind such a soup tureen. The fact that this artifact was standing alone in the museum drew me in further. Obba’s tureen was placed closely to the Santeria birthday altar, which includes several soup tureens or “soperas” richly decorated with objects that invoke the presence of other Orishas, or goddesses in Yoruba religion. Crucial factors of this altar are elevation of the soperas as well as color and the use of other objects with symbolic meaning. Obba’s tureen had a contrasting lack of context. Simply sitting in a display case, I wanted to learn more about the potential for forces to be activated within it, stimulating the presence of Obba, and fulfilling its use as a ritualistic object. In my essay, I will first explain the origins of such an object as seen in West Africa, the homeland of Yoruba religion. Then I will go into depth on how Yoruba religion has combined Catholic traditions to form the practices we see in relation to this object in Cuban Santeria today. Ultimately, I hope to prove that although Catholicism does play a role in Santeria, Yoruba continues to play the chief role in the religion and the use of its religious objects.

On their forced journey across the Atlantic, Yoruba people encountered a huge change in setting that required their religion to adapt. This adaptation meant that although much of the basis of the religion stayed the same, certain rituals had to be altered to better fit the new environment. This theory applies to Obba’s soup tureen, not just with the exterior aesthetic, but also with what lies within; consecrated shells or stones. The tureen’s Yoruba counterpart, known as the “nganga,” is a type of cauldron, much larger than Obba’s tureen, in which a consecrated stone is placed (Martin & Luis 2012 161-164). While both tureens (or soperas) and ngangas contain stones, they differ in that ngangas may also contain animals, sticks, and dirt, while tureens will, in addition to the stones, contain herbs and animal blood (Martin & Luis 2012, 164). This parallel seen between Santeria and Catholicism is a prime example of European influence in Cuba. The significance of these stones is that they “represent the living presence of the Orisha on the Santeria altar. Like the consecrated host that Catholic doctrine deems the actual body of Christ, these ‘stones’ are the Orisha” (Clark 2001, 37). However, while we see Catholicism showing its influence over the contents of the tureen, the overall purpose and idea of spirit activation associated with such an object is still largely a product of Yoruba religion (Bascom 1950, 66-67). Furthermore, it is important to note the orientation of Santeria around African-inspired Orisha (Bascom 1950, 64), and not one central Christian God. The fact that Yoruba customs live on in Santeria, despite competing Catholic contribution, indicates the preservation of native African culture.

Further important to Santeria are palm nuts, cowrie shells, and water. This can therefore account for aspects of the decorum present on the outside of the tureen. These elemental factors, in combination with herbs, blood, and stones breathe a life force, known to Yoruba practitioners as “Ase,” into the tureen, which is necessary both for life and for performing religious rituals (Brown 79). Allowing an Orisha to manifest itself on Earth requires a container, or vessel, in which it can reside. Human bodies and drums can also serve as a vessel for Orisha habitation (“Chango ‘ta vein’” 2012, 79-80). Given the relevance of food to activating the presence of Orisha, soup tureens seem a rather appropriate object.

The color scheme of Obba’s soup tureen is explained as being highly dependent on the individual beliefs that Santeria practitioners have on the color preferences of the Orishas themselves. One practitioner explained that for her, “Obba wears yellow and white beads for no other reason that ‘that’s the way I received it’” (Brown 1996, 99). Granted that there are some guidelines to color representation of the Orisha, this is a mentality held greatly by Yoruba practitioners, for whom there is not a particularly dictating religious code of worship that must be followed (Brown 1996, 100), as is in the case of religions such as Christianity.

Another explanation for why there may be discrepancies and similarities in Yoruba and Catholic rituals associated with Obba’s tureen is that throughout the colonial era, there were many instances of Santeria being oppressed by the dominant European society. This theme is seen “everywhere across the early black Americas [because] covert altars encoded the richness of sacred memory to unite servitors in sustaining faiths” (Thompson 1993, 21). By veiling one’s religious practices behind a Catholic pretense, Santeria worshippers were able to preserve their rituals and beliefs, even while under the watchful eyes of the Catholic Church.

Some scholars on African-diasporic religions argue that there is a scholarly bias for classifying Santeria as a byproduct of Catholic syncretism. They state that “the origin of this religion is in the forests of the country previously called Yorubaland, better known today as Nigeria. From there comes what we today know as Santeria” (Fardon 1995, 83). Adding to this belief is the fact that “Spanish law insisted that slaves be baptized as Roman Catholics as a condition of their legal entry into the Indies” (Santeria 1988, 27). The forceful integration of Yoruba people in a Catholic-dominated society, although influential on the resultant Santeria, would not have created the desire to assume the practices and values held by oppressors. It is more plausible to argue that “Caribbean religions such as Santeria… are often cited as examples of syncretism because the religions involved have such different histories and because the historical materials about them are relatively recent and full” (Santeria 1988, 120). There is no avoiding the fact that Catholicism and Yoruba religion mixed to produce Santeria, but it is reasonable to suggest that given the belief systems held by a vast majority of those enslaved in Cuba, an emphasis on Yoruba religion was preserved in the island’s Afro-Caribbean culture.

As I came to learn through my research of Obba’s tureen, there is a definite degree to which syncretism of Catholicism and Yoruba religion has had on the overall use of the object, as well as Santeria itself. However, I would assert that there is still more of a Yoruba emphasis in the aesthetics of religious objects, an essential counterpart of the greater religion. Through information provided on how Yoruba beliefs maintained a tight grip over incoming slaves transported from Africa, and how European-enforced Catholicism influenced Santeria practice, the predominant influences on modern usage of Obba’s soup tureen have become clearer. This syncretized religion shows its true colors in both the objects that it so highly regards in worshipping Orishas, and in aspects of the theological belief system. I believe that this trend of hybridity makes itself apparent not only in Santeria, but in all other New World African religions, or on a larger scale, any religion whose followers have undergone voluntary or forced cultural coalescence.

Now that I have come to understand the context of the animation and aesthetics of the tureen, I am more interested than ever to witness the process of stone consecration and the subsequent activation of Obba. When first viewing this object, my interest was sparked by its placement in the museum, relatively isolated from others that serve a similar purpose. I believe that this therefore served as a basis to learn more about other objects of its like, and the human history that has forced its adaptation.

Bibliography

Bascom, William R. “The Focus of Cuban Santeria.” Southwestern Journal of  Anthropology 6, no. 1 (1950): 64-68.

Brown, David H. “Toward an Ethnoaesthetics of Santeria Ritual Art: The Practice of Altar-Making and Gift Exchange.” Santeria Aesthetics in Contemporary Latin American Art (1996).

Clark, Mary A. “”¡No Hay Ningún Santo Aqui!” (There Are No Saints Here!): Symbolic Language Within Santeria.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 69, no. 1 (2001): 21-41.

De La Torre, Miguel A. Santeria: The Beliefs and Rituals of a Growing Religion in      America. Grand Rapids & Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans Publishing       Company, 2004.

Fardon, Richard, ed. Counterworks: Managing the Diversity of Knowledge. New York: Routledge, 1995.

Martin, Oba F., and William Luis. “Palo and Paleros: An Interview With Oba Frank Martin.” Afro-Hispanic Review 31, no. 1 (2012): 159-68.

Murphy, Joseph M. “Chango ‘ta vein’/ Chango has come”: Spiritual Embodiment in the     Afro-Cuban Ceremony, Bembé.” Black Music Research Journal 32, no. 1 (2012): 69-94.

Murphy, Joseph M. Santeria: An African Religion in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1988.

Thompson, Robert F. “Overture: The Concept “Altar”.” Face of the Gods: Art and Altars of Africa and the African Americas (1993).

Walking through “Spirited Things” exhibition in the Flemming museum, one object in particular caught my eye. It was a small column with rings of red beads and grey putty. As I approached it, I learned it was called the “Beaded Thunderstone for God Changó Macho”. Examining it closely, I noticed how its base was a stone, and that the beads and putty were made around it. Next I looked at how the putty had gems pushed into it, and that there was figure in the center that began on a ring of putty and eclipsed through a band of red beads. This body sat with its legs crossed wearing red and gold pants. It had a small gold garment cloaked around his top, with a green gem on the chest, and a red one on the stomach. Finally, above this figure’s head was a plastic eye, and just above that was small crystal, sticking out of the top of the stone. After observing it, I thought about what its purpose was. More specifically, why would anyone decorate a rock so beautifully, not for the purpose of art? In this essay, I will examine the meaning of the Thunderstone, and how this meaning ties into the African Diaspora.

First of all, the African Diaspora is the culture from the Yoruba people in Africa that has been scattered through the americas predominantly through the slave trade. Along with being forced across the ocean, the Africans were forced to adapt their religion because slave owners wouldn’t allow them to practice it. Each different region of slaves adapted differently, creating a variety beliefs that root from the original Yoruba religion. In the Brazil, the slaves were forced to adapt, and Santería emerged as their religion. Santería is the fusion between Christianity and the religion of the Yoruba people. The god or orişa Changó is a major god in both the Santería and Yoruba religion. He is the god of lightning and thunder and is very powerful and fierce. In Santería, he was represented as Santa Barbara because she had the same colors as Changó and was thought to be in many ways like the god himself.

The first aspect of the Thunderstone that I wanted to look into, was its purpose. I wanted to know what its function was in the life of those who used it. After researching this question, I found that “Changó’s sacred thunderstones are stored in a ‘batea’ (wooden vessel) on top of a ‘pílon’ (upturned mortar)” (Ayorinde 2004, 212). In learning this, I figured out that the Thunderstones were most likely used as holy objects on altars.

In the original Yoruba religion from Africa, altars were set up by individuals to connect with the orişa that the altar is dedicated to. There is no one way to set up an altar according to the religion, but rather each altar contains objects significant to both the orişa and the individual making the altar. The altar by itself does not have any spiritual connection to the gods until it is activated in ritual. The rituals contain song and dance at the which empowers it with spiritual energy of Ashé, which is believed to flow through all living things in the Yoruba religion. Once the altar has been activated, the practitioner is then spiritually connected to the god and can even communicate with the orişa. During the slave trade, Santería would still have altars, but they would be disguised for Christian saints, but overtime the need to worship in secrecy has been diminished.

Since the thunderstone belonged on an altar, it must have been significant to Changó. With my previous knowledge, I knew that Changó was the god of lightning and that he was huge in war, and manly power. I was curious about why the thunderstone was significant to Changó. Going deeper in research, I found that the thunderstones were significant because it resembled Changó. The thunderstone is symbolic of Changó because its “(a) tough to crack; (b) a rigid frame not easily disintegrated by reality; (c) highly adaptable; (d) and sanctity/morality/truth, or re-affirmed action of the social order”(Lawuyi 1988, 136). Each of these reasons connect the physical aspects of the rock to the characteristics of Changó. For example, the rock itself is tough to crack, but that does not mean Changó is made of steel. Changó’s personality and honor is what does not crack. These aspects of the thunderstone that relate to Changó give insight to the beliefs of the practitioners and what values of their god that are important to them.

The thunderstone is a sacred object used on altar for Changó, because it resembles and is significant of Changó. This is the specific purpose of the thunderstone to the god Changó, but I am also interested in the general purpose of thunderstone as it plays a part in ritual along with the religion. In order to dissect the general purpose of the thunderstone, I examined altars as a whole. As stated previously, the objects on altars are supposed to be significant to the god the altar is devoted to, and the individual. Since practitioner is worshipping the god, what is important to the god should be what is important to the individual. In realizing this, I see now that altars are how the practitioners interpret the gods, and that the objects on the altar represent the values that the practitioner worships in the god.

As I considered this idea, I thought about other places in the religion where notions similar to this one come up. As I looked into it, I saw that the syncretization of Changó shows what values of the god was important to the slaves. Instead of representing Changó as a strong male saint, they chose Santa Barbara. The tough and fierce persona of Santa Barbara along with correlation of personal taste(color preference) show how the saint and the god both represent similar values to those that had to adapt the religion. It is also important to note that the misconceptions of men being greater than women was pretty much non-existent among the Yoruba at the time of the slave trade, because men and women both had equally important roles in the religion(Castillo and Mederos 2007, 151-157). This shows that gender was not an important value to the people of both Santería and Yoruba.

Through analysing both the general and specific purpose of Changó’s a better understanding of how each part of the religion connects to each other can be drawn out. The altar holds all these items which represent the god to the individual. Collectively, the altar is the is the god in the sense that it has all that values and representations of the orişa, but without life. Then it is up to the individual to bring life into the altar with song and dance, and bring life into the god that they are worshipping.

In conclusion, the purpose of the thunderstone is that it is a sacred object for an altar. By analysing this purpose, so much more information about Changó and Santería can be drawn out. The reason the thunderstone is a sacred object to Changó is because physical properties of the thunderstone represent the spiritual values of Changó. These values are then interpreted by the individual and worshipped in the form of an altar, specific to the practitioner. The accumulation of the symbolic objects along with the activation of the altar bring life to the values, turning the altar into a spiritual form of the god.

Bibliography:

Ayorinde, Christine. 2004. “Santería in Cuba: Tradition and Transformation.” In The Yoruba Diaspora in the Atlantic World edited by Toyin Falola and Matt D. Childs, pp. 209-225. Indiana University Press, 2004.

Castillo, Daisy R., and Mederos, Aníbal A. 2007. “Lo femenino y lo masculino en la Regla Congo o Palo Monte”. In Afro-Hispanic Review, Vol. 26, No. 1, African Religions in the New World, pp. 151-157. William Luis, 2007. http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/23055254.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A4746fbd7dea826834c3b56455f085daa.

Lawuyi, Olatunde B. 1988. “Ogun: Diffusion across Boundaries and Identity Constructions.”African Studies Review Vol. 31, No. 2 (Sep., 1988):pp.127-139, http://www.jstor.org/stable/524422?Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=((thunderstone)&searchText=AND&searchText=(shango))&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3D%2528%2528thunderstone%2529%2BAND%2B%2528shango%2529%2529&refreqid=search%3A8cc1dc2eadc54a0d174b8cc014501bfb&seq=10#page_scan_tab_contents.

When walking into the museum it’s easy to become quickly overwhelmed by the number of interesting and eye catching objects. While walking around the exhibit you’ll see everything from emptied rum bottles that have been transformed with beads and other materials into representations of the gods, to a small statues that are meant to control the spirits of the dead so they can be used by the living. During one visit to the museum when I was looking at the objects on the altar dedicated to Yemaya, goddess of the living sea and mother of all, it was an object that wasn’t included on the altar that peaked my interest the most. Held on a pedestal in the glass case next to the altar was an altar crown to Yemaya from Cuban Santeriá, or as it is more commonly known in Cuba, as Regla de Ocha. The crown, while being displayed the same as the other objects in the case grabs the attention of the viewer more. The 7 smaller crowns that make up the one, the blue gems, and the chains hanging down from the crown with small metal charms capture the attention of the viewer drawing them in to read the description of the object, and to learn the story behind it.

To understand how the crown is made and the reasoning behind each portion of the crown we must first understand the goddes that the crown is made for. Yemaya is the goddess of the sea and is often perceived as a mother to all. Her most sacred places in nature are those associated with water, the oceans, lakes, and lagoons, the color that represents Yemaya or her caminos (avatars or “roads”, which essentially are different versions of herself) are the colors blue and white. Her sacred number is 7, for her 7 caminos, and representative of the 7 seas. Yemaya influences more than just the sea though, as she is seen and known as a mother to all, she also influences family and women’s issues, pregnancy, children, and she is also associated with healing. Our ability to understand the goddess that the crown is made for will allow us to make the connections to understand the creation of the crown as a whole.

The crown contains many parts that we can link back to the goddess Yemaya, the 7 smaller crowns, 7 blue gems found in between each of the crowns all connect back to her sacred number. As well as this there are 21 chains that hang down from the crown, each of these chains have small silver charm that represents either yemaya or one of her many allies, as well as her sacred number since 21 is a multiple of 7. The key is associated with Elegguá, the god of all roads, cross roads and doors, without his blessings nothing can get done as he allows the prayers of those who practice Santeriá to reach the intended orisha. The horseshoe, the hammer, the hatchet, the sickle and the scythe, the anvil, the sledgehammer, the knife, the saw and the machete all represent Yemaya’s husband Ogún, who is a powerful warrior, who defends those who worship him. The snake represents her other husband Obatalá, who is the eldest and most powerful of all the orisha, he is said to be the father of many of the other orisha and is said to be the owner of all heads, both spiritual and outer. The lightening bolt and the sword represent her son Chango, who is the god of thunder lightening, and leadership. The 3 quills to represent her daughter-in-law Obba, who is considered to be the goddess of marriage and home, who waits for her husband Chango even though he cheats on her with the other goddesses. The sun, moon, ship’s wheel and the anchor embody Olokun, who is the goddess of the deep sea, some of the same charms are also sometimes associated with Yemaya. The charms that remain represent Yemaya and her own powers.

Altar crowns are very often found in the homes of worshippers on their own altars and are considered to be a central part in them. The altar crown would sit on top of soup tureen which would be decorated to match the orisha being worshiped, in the case of the altar crown that we are looking at it would be for Yemaya, so the colors would be blue and white. Within these tureens symbols to the gods or objects that please the gods would be placed within them. The altars and the objects on the altars are embodiments of the gods which means they are given the same respect. This means that the people who worship them wish to provide them with the best and most beautiful objects, and we can see that with the delicate beauty of the altar crown. Providing them with the most beautiful objects is not the only way though. By making sure that the objects are regularly cleaned and maintained as well as giving them offerings of food and drink they make sure that their gods on the altar are happy and well maintained.

This crown specifically, is used on altars of Cuban Santería or Regla de Ocha altars for the goddess Yemaya. Each piece of the crown can clearly be linked back to Yemaya or some other god or goddess of the Santeriá religion. It doesn’t just do this though, the object is able to link Santeriá back to its religious origins in the Yoruba religion with the chains that hang down off the crown. The chains that hang down create a veil, similar to those that are found on the crowns of the African Yoruba monarchs, connecting the current practices to those of its past. As well as looking into how this object demonstrates the fact that Santeriá is a diasporic religion we will also be looking at how syncretism is demonstrated as the crown also shares aspects with European styled crowns.

This object relates directly to the readings that we do in class as it demonstrates both a direct example of how the african diaspora works as is demonstrated throughout the religions as well as demonstrating the theories of hybridity and syncretism in a way that we can look at and see with our own eyes.  To understand though how the object demonstrates how Santeriá is a diasporic religion of how it demonstrates syncretism, we first need to define both of the terms to truly understand and see the connection between the object and these topics.

Diaspora can be defined as a scattered population who originated from one location or as a population that has migrated from one location to another. Diasporic religions though are composed of memories of its place of origins and how it has changed since moving on. I believe the best description of a Diasporic religion though comes from Paul Johnson’s chapter Religions of the African Diaspora when he says, “African diasporic religions are transformed as they are accommodated in new sites and populations” (Johnson, 2013, 516). I think that this is the best definition because it relates to how the religions came over, and how they have changed. These Afro-Caribbean religions were brought over by the slaves taken out of their native countries during the Transatlantic Slave Trade, they brought their religions over, but because they were forced to hide their religion some of the aspects changed, transforming the religion into something new. This is clearly demonstrated in certain aspects of the crown, specifically with the chains that hang down with the small charms, the chains resemble the veil found on the on the African Yoruba monarchs, the classic traditions of the religion showing through despite the oppression of the religion, traditionally the objects that are attached to the chains would be found inside of the soup tureen. This is a demonstration of the african diaspora because there is a clear connection to Santeriá and its Yoruba roots.

The word syncretism is the most commonly used word when it comes down to the discussion between the mixing of religions or with the incorporation of a tradition into the religion or into certain aspects of the religion. Though syncretism is the word that is most commonly used with aspects of religion a word that we have seen being used often times with syncretism is hybridity, traditionally used only with organisms or objects, the two are usually paired together because they have similar ideas, in Johnson’s chapter Syncretism and Hybridization, he says “Syncretism and hybridity require ‘worlds’ of parallel entities that can it could be juxtaposed or joined. We don’t usually imagine ore or posit the creole, hybrid or syncretic possibilities of, say, dogs and plants, or Augustinian theodicy and snow tires, because such entities occupy different worlds.” (Johnson, 2016, 766) This shows us how hybridity and syncretism are related because they both require the objects that they are joining to be in the same “worlds” in this case the “world” that they have in common and are talking about in this situation is religion. The crown is a demonstration of syncretism through the aspects that the altar crown shares with some of the more traditional styles of European crowns. This is a demonstration of it because it is the combination of certain aspects from the crowns of Europe which play a religious role in certain aspects of christianity, for example, in the Catholic religion it is believed that those who go above average in certain aspects of the religion will receive a crown when they enter in the kingdom of heaven, the crown of righteousness for example, or the crowns that were worn by the monarchs as they traditionally had a role in the church.  So the aspects of certain crowns found throughout Europe was combined with some of the aspects from traditional Yoruba crowns and were hybridized into this crown which is being used on a Santeriá altar, which is a clear demonstration of syncretism.

The altar crown for Yemaya in Cuban Santeriá is a clearly demonstrates the definitions of syncretism hybridity and the African Diaspora. Examples that prove this can all be found in the crown and in the reasons behind the various pieces that come together to form the finished product. From the 7 blue gemstones meant to represent Yemaya, to the charms hanging off the chains which represent Yemaya and her allies. The 7 small european looking crowns that bring back the memories of when they had to incorporate catholic traditions into their religion so that they could practice it in secret, and the chains that hang down off the crown connecting it back to the traditional crowns of the religion it was based off of. Each of the aspects of the crown demonstrate how the crown and Santeriá as a whole is a diasporic religion and the aspects that it took in through syncretism.

-Sam Brady

Bibliography

Matory, J. Lorand. ms. The Fetish Revisited: Marx, Freud, and the Gods Black People Make.

Flores-Peña, Ysamur, and Roberta J. Evanchuk. 2011. Santería garments and altars: speaking without a voice. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi.

Matory, J. Lorand “Artifacts.” Artifacts | The Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic. Accessed October 30, 2017. http://sacredart.caaar.duke.edu/artifacts/1283#.

“Yemaya.” Santeria Church of the Orishas. Accessed October 30, 2017. http://santeriachurch.org/the-orishas/yemaya/.

Johnson, Paul Christopher. 2016. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook in The Study of Religion. Edited by Michael Stausberg and Steven Engler, 754-69. Oxford University Press.

Johnson, Paul Christopher. 2013. “Religions of the African Diaspora.” In A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism. Edited by Ato Quayson and Girish Daswani, 509-20. Blackwell Publishing

When I walked into the museum I expected to see dusty objects with no personality on a shelf. I wondered how I would be interested enough to write a paper on an object that had nothing to do with my culture, but then I stepped into the exhibit. Each room had significantly changed from its original state just a week before, there was suddenly life in each object. I walked the designated path looking at the altars with awe, everything fit together perfectly, but one room was so beautiful I had to stop.

The first thing I noticed was the walls. Where there was once plain white was now covered in blue cloth. Nothing was left uncovered by extravagant blue patterns, from flowers to sparkles. The cloth surrounded fourteen altars, each with their own personality shown with colors and objects. Every altar was unique in its own way, but I was drawn to one in particular, Oya. I did not know who this Orisha was at the time, I only knew her altar was the most beautiful and gave off a power none of the other surrounding altars did.

A copper crown with dangling charms sat on top of a soup tureen with bird handles. The first set of charms were all the same, a copper mask, while the second set contained a lighting bolt and a variety of farming tools, picks, hoes, and a machete. The porcelain soup tureen gave the altar a hint of cream color, allowing the red and maroon to really pop, while the birds added beauty with their carefully painted patterns. A horsetail whip was front and center, the long, silky black hair showed the elegance of the Orisha, while, along with the crown, also captured the royalty of Oya. Lying behind the whip was a wooden sword, covered with colorful beads that lead the another beaded handle with a mask dangling off. This handle was not as sturdy as the one on the whip, allowing me to assume this weapon could only be used by someone skilled enough to understand the delicate motions needed to swing the sword. This altar was the only one out of fourteen to have a picture of a catholic saint, which was shown on a red cloth accented with colorful beads. The entire altar was decorated with green, orange, purple, blue, brown, pink, and yellow beads, giving the red cloth more color and character.

I was drawn to Oya’s altar based on the beauty and power it gave off. The crown and whip told me the importance of this Orisha and the royalty she held, while the sword represented a worrier. I have never heard of someone with royalty fighting their own battles, and it was this reason why I chose Oya’s altar to be my object of interest.

My interest in the altar did not stop there, I wanted to know why someone would honor Oya, the goddess of storms and change, and how the objects on the altar embodied the orisha. In this essay I will give background information on the goddess Oya to show why people choose to honor this Orisha and the effects it will have on their lives. I will also discuss the importance of altars when worshiping orisha in African diaspora religions and why the objects on that altar should not only represent the orisha but the life of the person who created it.

One website was useful when collecting information on the goddess Oya, www.orderwhitemoon.org, this source was able to give me a perspective from someone who actively worships Oya while most scholarly sources only gave an outside perspective. The website stated, “Oya is one of the most powerful African Goddesses (Orishas). A Warrior-Queen…She is the Goddess of thunder, lightning, tornadoes, winds, rainstorms and hurricanes. A Fire Goddess, it is Oya who brings rapid change and aids us in both inner and outer transformation.” Other information included the Orisha’s number, nine, her colors are maroon, dark red, purple, orange, brown and multiple other colors, and icons that represent the goddess include, whips, masks, and swords. All these representations can be seen on the altar present in the museum; maroon and dark red cloth cover the podium the objects rest on, beaded accents throughout the objects incorporate the other colors, purple, orange, and brown. There is a horsetail whip, sword, mask, and a crown made out of copper with mask charms and one lightning bolt all represented the icons associated with the Orisha. This website also includes the foods that should be given to Oya on the altar, eggplants, grape wine, kola nuts, and fish.

One would honor Oya if they want a change in their life and would do so through the altar. The previously mentioned website tells how someone would call upon Oya when that person’s desire for change needs to be heard. First a person would light the candles present on the altar. Before I continue I want to say that the altar in the museum does not have candles because it is not an active altar dedicated to Oya, it is simply an altar meant to be viewed in a museum. This is a key difference between objects present in a museum and those that reside in the context they were meant to be in. After that person has lit the candles they will resite a passage that according to the writer of this website will invoke the presence of Oya; the passage is the following,

“Oya, Lady of Storms,

Oya, Bringer of Change,

Oya, Warrior of Women,

You who command the winds

And protect the souls of the dead

You whose domain is the tornado, the storm, the thunder,

I ask for you to join me here tonight

And help me bring positive change and action into my life

Hail, Oya, Lady of Storms!”

Once Oya is invoked you should talk to the goddess about the changes you want to make in your life and how you will get there. The most important change that you want to make should be written down and left on the altar as a reminder. Thanking Oya, place offerings on the altar, these can consist of any of the foods listed above, and the once again recite the passage as a goodbye to the Orisha.

No matter what Orisha is being worshiped the central part of that worship is the altar. “Altars everywhere are sites of ritual communication…” this is stated by Robert Farris Thompson on the first page of Face of the Gods: The Artists and Their Altars. I saw a form of communication in the altar with the farming charms on the crown. If the altar was in its ritual context than those charms could represent a farmer in need of change with his crops. If the crop season had a lack of rain, the farmer would call upon the goddess of storms and change. Worshipping Oya on her altar would allow the farmer to ask for storms to come to water his crops, giving him the yield he needs.

In another part of the book, Face of the Gods: Arts and Altars of Africa and the African Americans, Thompson says, “a place [altar] consecrated to devotional exercises. Altars, then, encompass sacrifice, prayer, and devotion.” This shows why altars are a necessary part of worshiping an Orisha. To be able to properly honor an Orisha and in return ask for the guidance needed one must give sacrifices, in the form of food, pray, by lighting candles and talking to the Orisha, and show devotion, by creating an altar that truly embodies the spirit of the orisha through objects. Without an altar, devotion to an Orisha could not be shown and therefore no one would be able to honor an Orisha in hope for help in their lives.

The sword, crown, and whip, show devotion to Oya by representing her power and strength as a royal warrior. While the farming tool charms could be a way to communicate to Oya that a change is needed for this season’s crops, and the soup tureen could be used to place food for the Orisha, like eggplants or grapes. This altar is essential in allowing someone to properly worship Oya in order to ask the Orisha to help bring change to their lives. While this altar incompases the main idea of an altar it does include food or candles because it is in a museum. Objects in museums will not contain all the necessary objects needed to “activate” the object because that object is not in its original context.

Order of The White Moon. Oya: Lady of Storms. http://www.orderwhitemoon.org/goddess/oya-storms/Oya.html.

Thompson, Robert. Face of the Gods: The Artists and Their Altars. UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center, 1995.

Thompson, Robert. Face of the Gods: Art and Altars of Africa and the African Americas. The museum for African Art, New York, 1993.

The Drink Tray Depicting the Goddess Yemaya is an item that generally isn’t used in rituals but still has a very large amount of value and importance. This importance isn’t just for practitioners of Regla de Ocha or other diasporic religious practitioners but also for the way in which non practitioners view the religion. The ways in which the people who created the tray have impacted the United States with a supreme court decision and why that decision matters going forward not only legally but also in the way in which the religion is depicted in the media. Has the change in the law changed the way in which the religion is viewed by the public of the United States of America and the way other diasporic religions are viewed by the public?

The object was created by Ernesto Pichardo. Ernesto Pichardo is the head priest of the Lukumi Babalu Aye in Hialeah, Florida. The church practices a more “re-africanized” version of Cuban Santeria. Normally, Santeria is practiced in a home instead of a dedicated place of worship but Ernesto has made a church instead as a way to more publically practice Santeria. In 1987 the city of Hialeah, Florida passed a law banning animal sacrifice in the city however made no restrictions on Halal or Kosher butchery. Animal sacrifice is an immensely important feature to the religion. The law was taken to court and eventually it was raised to the supreme court. In 1993 a decision was made the law was overruled in favor of plaintiff Ernesto Pichardo. The decision that the law was unconstitutional was made on the grounds that the law undermined First Amendment guarantees of free practice of religion.

The importance of this ruling is that it did two things, legitimized Regla De Ocha and set a precedent for future supreme court cases. The ruling has set in place a clear ruling by the highest court in the land that the right to animal sacrifice is protected under the first amendment. This ruling means a lot not only for just the religion of Regla De Ocha but most other diasporic religions and many other major religions including some sects of christianity, some sects of Judaism, multiple events call of it in Islam, and it is present in hinduism as well including many other less known religions where animal sacrifice is important. The court case also legitimized the fact that there is a religion that practices animal sacrifice and the people who do so exist. The Supreme Court giving the religion a platform to exist upon and a reason to be mentioned in the news in an accurate and honest manner for the first time when compared to the way Regla De Ocha, Voodoo, and other Diasporic religions are portrayed in the media. The way that diasporic religions are being displayed to the public in the correct and accurate way is completely different from the way that they all were put into the same group and viewed the same as a bad “black magic” religion that would do horrible things. The movie White Zombie released in 1932 certainly shows a difference from today with there being so much information available about every diasporic religion and what they actually believe.

The object is a Drink tray depicting the Goddess Yemaya. The tray is used to carry drinks and is sold to the public in mass. The public may purchase the tray however many don’t have any context as to who is on the tray or who designed the tray. The meaning of the tray to a practitioner of Regla de Ocha, Yoruba, Voodoo, or Candomble is completely different from the meaning to the average person in the United States as the average  person has no idea who Yemaya is or what any of those religions beliefs are.

The item is likely used by practitioners and non practitioners alike due to the non ritual action the tray is normally used in that being the objects use of holding drinks. In Regla de Ocha the practice of gift giving is very important. The importance of your birthday is very related to the tradition of gift giving in Santeria. This tray is a great gift for a person’s birthday if they practice Santeria or not. The practice of gift giving in Santeria is also often associated with creating the gifts as opposed to just buying them. The act of making things with elder members of the community is a very important almost ritual like practice that is very important with dealing with family traditions for the way altars are built. What colors, what kind of cloth, what kind of beads “What the “right colors” are is a relatively fuzzy category. The right colors are learned practically in the house among elders and godchildren and in the urban consumer market, with the experience of seeing, selecting, and handling beads and cloth.”(Brown 98)

The object was placed in the exhibit on the wall just past the Yemaya Altar that dominates the room next to the Yemaya ritual dress in the glass case. The placement of the object shows that is it supposed to be a visual aid to help better understand what the goddess is supposed to look like and have some context as to what symbols are important to the deity. In the Exhibit there is one difference from the way it would be displayed normally and that is the lack of the tray which the tiles go into in the exhibit. In the exhibit there are just the tiles on the wall which the reason why is somewhat unclear.

The drink tray is a mass produced item which even has a copyright symbol on it. This shows that there are likely many other exact copies of the tray and contrasts from the tradition of things being made from scratch in the Yoruba religion which shows a difference in the religions. However, what this practice of mass produced religious iconography is analogous to the many Judeo-Christian symbols being commonly found on things from cups all the way to placemats. What the mass produced item says about the religion itself is it has been influenced by western thinking and American ideas of mass produced goods displaying the way in which diasporic religions change based on factors around it.

The deity on the tray is Yemaya the goddess of the sea. Her name is spelled Yemoja and Yemaya by the different diasporic religions that worship her. She is considered the protector of women and deals with pregnancy, childbirth, and parenting. In Cuban Santeria and Brazilian Candomble Yemaya is also the protector of the fishermen. Yemaya’s ritual foods depends on the diasporic religion. In Santeria Yemaya’s ritual food includes Watermelon, cane syrup, and pork rinds compared to her Brazilian Candomble ritual diet which includes milk, rice, flour, and corn. Yemaya’s colors are blue and white in all of the diasporic religions however her sacred number depends on the religion. In Santeria Yemaya’s sacred number is seven compared to in Yoruba where her special number is nine.

Yemaya is deity who generally looks the same and has most of the same kinds of symbols and colors across the many diasporic religions with each having a slight difference similar to the many other Orisha who are present in most if not all of the diasporic religions. Many of the differences are example of how diasporic religions change in response to new stimuli an example of this is Yemaya being a protector of fishermen in Brazil and Cuba two places where the importance of fishing to the local economy is more important than in Nigeria due to geographical factors.

The object’s colors, symbols on it, and use of numbers on the object all reflect different aspects of the goddess Yemaya. The blue color of Yemaya is shaped in a way to make her appear to be almost a part of the wave which shows her being the goddess of the sea. The use of the seven cowrie shells on each side of the border as a design has Yemaya’s number and also shells which come from the sea. The seven small aquatic animals at the bottom of the border of the drink tray and mirrored orange and white fish in the top corners show even more so in depth that Yemaya is the goddess of the sea. The seven starfish on each side represent Yemaya’s number and her relation to the ocean. The watermelon in the border displays one of Yemaya’s foods that are used often times in ritual. Additionally, the border has 7 fish hooks on each side representing Yemaya’s protection of fishermen. The border also contains other maritime symbols associated with Yemaya including ropes, anchors, and a ship’s wheel.

The goddess Yemaya’s colors blue and white are all over the object. The color blue represents the ocean as she is the goddess of the ocean. The color white is the color of cowrie shells which are very a important symbol for Yemaya and come from the oceans in addition the salt from the ocean is white along with many different kinds of fish and sea animals.

The object paints a vivid image depicting Yemaya and her related symbols. If a random individual saw the tray with no description they could easily understand that the woman on the tile is involved with the water in someway. However, I guarantee you the same person wouldn’t know who made it or why that person matters. The tray at first appears to be just some paint on tiles but the meaning of the tray and the history surrounding it and its creator paint a far more broad and meaningful image to understanding the African Diaspora.

Brown, David H. Santeria Aesthetics. Washington And London, Smithsonian Institution Press.

Otero, Solimar, and Toyin Falola. Yemoja: Gender, Sexuality, and Creativity in the Latina/o and Afro-Atlantic Diasporas. Boston: New West Indian Guide, 2014.

Cruz, R. Ted Winter 1994 article 17.1 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Animal Sacrifice and Equal Protection Free Exercise: Church of the Lukumi Babaluaye

Epstein, R. A. (1992, Dec 23). Rule of law: Testing the boundary between church and state. Wall Street Journal

Jack Bechtold

10/30/17

TAP: Religions of the Black Atlantic

Professor Brennan

I will be talking about the Cuban Santería god Eleggua and specifically an artifact of Eleggua in the Flemming museum. This artifact is the house of Eleggua. Eleggua is the Cuban god of the crossroads and of entrances. I chose Eleggua and his house because of its odd placement in the exhibit, and because of the detailed craftsmanship that caught my eye as I first saw this piece. This object is a Cuban style house ornately decorated with beautiful red and black beads these beads are arranged in a way that transforms the exterior of the house into a piece of art. These beads are arranged in patterns that add something to the house called ashe the best way it can be translated is a life force. To cap it all off the above the entryway of this house is a stone face of Eleggua that has his eyes, nose, and mouth are made from cowry shells. this house is dominated by the colors red, white, and black. These colors represent Eleggua. the way in which red, black, and white are brought into this piece is unique. this house’s structure was built with wooden walls and ceilings, this wood is painted a specific color depending on the part of the structure. the walls and ceiling of this house are painted red. the house itself sits on a dual-layered base. This base is consists of two boards that have been glued together. the top board is painted the same red as the house was. on top of being painted red, this board has a cut out in it for the dimensions of the house. the bottom board is painted entirely black. Makes the floor and shadows in the house black.  The house is then outlined in cowry shells which used to be a form of currency in Nigeria and other Yoruba dominated lands, this use of shells is supposed to show wealth, status, and power. This house in itself is a shrine. It is Eleggua and it is a symbol of the crossroads themselves. The fact that this artifact is at the entryway of the museum exhibit has meaning as well. you are supposed to pray to Eleggua before you enter a house, and in the setting of an exhibit of African religions, you need to pray to Eleggua so that he may open the door to allow you to enter and see all the secrets of his world.  In this essay I will provide some background on the Cuban Santería religion, then I will explain its ties to the Yoruba religion, indigenous concepts of power, and how western society demonizes that which they do not understand through Eleggua and his house.

    What is Cuban santería and who is Eleggua? Cuban Santería is one of the most popular religions in the “Black Atlantic”. The religions of the Black Atlantic are the religions that came from the African slave trade. during the slave trade, many of the Africans taken to the colonized islands of South America were people of the Yoruba faith. upon getting to Cuba there were Africans from all over the western shore of the Africa itself. these people had a multitude of versions of faith. While under the constant oppression of slavery these people came up with Cuban Santería. Cuban Santeria is a religion based on indigenous power concepts. There is a multitude of different gods with different specialties. Eleggua is the god of the crossroads and entrances. he holds the ability to open and close the doorways to our destiny.  worshipers need to appease Eleggua through ceremonies, songs, and rituals to make him inclined to help you.  let’s say for example you need to Babalú Ayé the god of disease and epidemics because you have a child that is sick. If you do not appease Eleggua then he might not be inclined to open the doorway for communication between you and Babalú Ayé. This creates an interesting relationship between the worshiper and the gods. the worshiper has the ability to harness each god to ask for help, but if Eleggua doesn’t want to help then there is nothing to be one.

    This mischievous nature has given Eleggua a bad name. In Flash of the Spirit by Robert Thompson, Mr. Thompson talks about Eshu who is the Yoruba version of Eleggua and his characterization as “ ‘The devil’ ”(Flash of the spirit page 19) by missionaries during the “enlightened times” when slavery was justified by colonialism.  Thompson then continued to describe Eshu and show the reader that he isn’t “The Devil” but is “Outwardly mischievous but inwardly full of overflowing grace”(Flash of the spirit page 19). Mr. Thompson caped it off by saying that he cannot be characterized even by his own people “Even his names compound his mystery” (Flash of the spirit page 19). This is due to the fact that Eshu has many different names such as Eshu, Elegbara, Elegguá, and Elegba. He is known as “The childless wanderer” (Flash of the spirit page 19) or “owner of power”(Flash of the spirit page 19). It is incredibly interesting how Eleggua has this power that connects all of these followers with their gods and for the most part binds their society together.

    Eleggua has been mischaracterized as the devil by Christians in general because of a lack of understanding on the Christians part to understand the use of indigenous concepts of power that is crucial to understanding, not just Cuban Santería, but all Afro- Atlantic religions. according to Mr. Falola and Ms. Genova and their work on Orisa Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora. In the Yoruba religion, Eshu was one of if not the first divinities created by Olodumare who is “(The supreme being) the source, origin, and creator of all beings, including divinities,” (Page 129).  If this is true then Eleggua may have had a hand in creating the world and man. considering this Eleggua cannot be the devil because he is both benevolent and malevolent, while the devil is only malevolent.  If Eleggua really was the devil, antichrist, Apollyon, Beelzebub, etc. Then do you think he would have helped Olodumare create the world, the other divinities, or help all the people whose messages and prayers he does relay? It doesn’t really seem like the shoe fits.  The paradox in this idea is “that can a creature be more powerful than his creator,” (Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora page 131). Eleggua has this power given to him by Olodumare that gives him complete control over the communications sector of religious communication, which makes him so powerful that he has some sort of free will that he likes to exercise by being both benevolent and malevolent.

    In Santería there are differences in the story, but the message is basically the same. according to my sources like Santería Enthroned by David H. Brown.  Eleggua was created by the all-powerful God Obatala who is the “Owner of all heads” (Santería Enthroned page 126) or the owner of all destinies. In the Santería religion, you are thought to have an inner head which is your destiny. Eleggua’s job is to open the doorways to help you find your inner destiny. yet here we are again with the question can the creature be more powerful than his creator? if Eleggua is truly in control of all religious communications and he is a “trickster” then he is going to want to use his powers for benevolent and malevolent things, but that doesn’t make him the devil because he isn’t pure evil. He is as imperfect as the humans he is scribe for.

Eleggua was demonized due to a misunderstanding of indigenous conceptions of power. This could be linked to the demonization of African religions as a whole such as Haitian vodou. The key to understanding religions like these are looking at the gods and the power structure while separating your own concepts of religion.

Brown, D. (2003). Santería enthroned. Chicago (Ill.): University of Chicago Press. pp. 126

I found this book through professor Brennan. She recommended the book to me when I told her I was having trouble finding what I was looking for with the online encyclopedias. The specific passage I am interested in is on page 126. The main idea of this passage is that Elégbá or Ésú has the ability to open or close the road for your prayers, and how crucial the relationship between a believer, Ésú, and Obatalá is.  Obatalá is the all-powerful God, or “owner of all heads” In santería “Head = Orí = Destiny and Ésú is the guide for destiny’s path.

Mr. Brown has an interesting perception of this relationship. He is looking at this from a very functional standpoint. If you are trying to find your destiny through your inner head then you need to have Ésú open up that road and lead you along the path to your destiny. Throughout my reading of this book Professor Brown has placed Christianity as the origin for these Afro-Cuban religions which may be his bias, but his theory on Ésú seems incredibly sound.

Mason, M. (2004). Living Santería: Rituals and Experiences in an Afro-Cuban Religion. pp.7, 95, 96.

I discovered this book in the library while looking through the books that professor Brennan had put on reserve. The pages in Living Santería: Rituals and Experiences in an Afro-Cuban Religion that I selected are talking about Elégbá or Ésú and how his ability to open the road to your destiny is not the only thing he does. in general, it means the future or he can hurt or help specific aspects of the future. Elégbá or Ésú doesn’t have to and isn’t just a tour guide to your destiny he is at the end of the day known as “the trickster”.

Mr. Mason seems incredibly similar to David Brown and even dedicates the book to him and a couple others. I believe that Mr. Mason and Mr.Brown are cut off the same branch. He is scientifically analyzing the Santería rituals and trying to pull out little pieces to later be used to build the ground on which Santería stands, but that I the reader cannot see yet. From the reading that I have done so far, I cannot see any bias in Mr. Mason’s writing.

Falola, T. and Genova, A. (2005). Orisa Yoruba Gods and Spiritual Identity in Africa and the Diaspora. 1st ed. Trenton, NJ 08607: Africa World Press, Inc., pp.129-139.

I discovered this book in the library while looking through the books that professor Brennan had put on reserve. This book was meant to show similarities and differences between Cuban Santería and Yoruba with regards to their views on Elégbá. In the section of this book that I read. Mr. Falola and Ms. Genova were arguing against all of the demonizing done to Elégbá by mainly Christian scholars. The fact that he has a power that rivals that of the all-powerful god and how his ability to be benevolent and malevolent at the same time makes him the devil.

Mr. Falola and Ms. Genova were fighting bias in this section. They were using facts to undo the demonization of Elégbá that happened when foreigners didn’t understand him or the culture he was a part of.

Thompson, Robert Farris. 1984. Flash of the Spirit. New York City, New York: vintage books.

I was introduced to this book in the Religions of the Black-Atlantic class. it is one of our main sources. This book talks about African and Afro-American art and philosophy. in the section I used specifically it talks about the Yoruba God Eshu as Mr. Thompson highlights the flaws in the argument that Eshu is the devil.

Mr.Thompson could be considered bias in the way that he is arguing against one way of thinking. I personally don’t see him being bias in his writing. I see him using facts to dismantle a bias argument.

Stepping into the Fleming Museum’s Santería birthday throne, your eyes are overwhelmed with bright colors, sparkling fabrics, beaded objects, shiny crowns. Closest to the viewer, perched on the ground, the simple altar of Ochosi sits. This altar somewhat contrasts all of the elegant and elaborately decorated altars that are raised up high in the air; Ochosi’s altar is rather plain, save for his signature blue, gold, and coral beads.

Ochosi’s shrine, while simple, is also beautiful. A grey ceramic bowl sits on the ground, but holds inside a bow and arrow, and a spear adorned with those blue, golden, and coral beads that seem to draw light to them. A string of these beads of all different shapes and sizes circle the bowl, bringing dimension to the simple ceramic shape. Beside the bow and arrow, a pair of metal black manacles sit menacingly, as if daring its audience to challenge the forces of justice. A pear-shaped calabash, adorned with beads, shells, and blue ribbons rests on the floor next to the ceramic bowl: hollow, but secretive about what might be inside. A simple silk rug sits underneath the bowl and and the calabash, half a deep blue, and half golden. Next to the altar is also a horsehair whip, the handle embedded with Ochosi’s beads. This whip is unusual, as it is usually only given to orisha, or gods, of higher status, such as Obatala, Yemaya, Oya, and other royalty. Normally, Ochosi isn’t considered royalty at all, which makes this whip an abnormality. Although the altar of Ochosi has all of these beautiful and intricate details, it’s not particularly eye-catching, especially compared to the loud and embellished altars on display in the birthday throne.

I chose to study the altar of Ochosi because it called out to me. It’s the altar closest to its audience, yet it seems barren and small compared to other altars. This was what intrigued me most as I studied the altars in the Santería birthday throne. As I learned more about Ochosi, I became interested in studying how he is worshipped – what his altars look like, how his rituals are performed. In this essay I will first provide some background on Ochosi, then I will explain briefly how Santería altars are made and how they function, and what is known about altars to Ochosi.

Ochosi, sometimes spelled Oshossi or Oxossi, is the Yoruba orisha of hunting and justice. With the passage of time and with the slave trade bringing practitioners to and from other countries, Yoruba religion has spread to different cultures to form religions such as Santería, Vodou, and Candomble. This is called the African diaspora, and it refers to the spread of new religions formed by followers of Yoruba adapting to and including new cultures in their worship. Ochosi isn’t an orisha easily found – his name appears in many books, but only to mention him in passing as one of the great warrior orisha. The main legend known about Ochosi is one in which he hunts a quail to present to the gods, but his mother cooks it and eats it instead. Ochosi catches another quail, and asks for his arrow to pierce the heart of the thief who stole the first quail, and is distraught when he sees his own arrow land in the chest of his mother (Sandoval 2006, 286) (González-Wippler 2004,50-51). This tale demonstrates Ochosi’s talent at hunting and his passion for justice – two of the main attributes that he exemplifies.

Ochosi is also known for his relationship to other Orisha, particularly Osun. Osun is the orisha of iron and the forge. Mythology about Ochosi and Osun varies – some stories say that they’re brothers, but other stories maintain that they are simply very close friends. Regardless of the details, all stories place significance on the fact that these orisha are very close. The legendary blacksmith Osun forges weapons such as bows, swords, and spears, and the great hunter Ochosi uses them. The altar to Ochosi as seen in the Fleming Museum is unique in that it touches the altar of Osun, signifying their close relationship – no other altars are touching in this way.

Altars are very sacred in many religions, and Santería is no exception.`Altars, when activated, can channel orisha. Altars are often activated through song, dance, smells, foods, and more, which is why it is very important that an altar has all of the correct objects, foods, beads, etc. People performing rituals can also become “spirit possessed”, a state in which the spirit of the orisha summoned enters the body of a practitioner. In “Ritual, Discourse, and Community in Cuban Santería” by Kristina Wirtz, she discusses the feeling of a Santería ritual:

“Participants in a tambor drink rum, talk, join in the call-and-response singing, and in addition rhythmically clap, dance, and call out…Indeed, the drunk rhythms, clapping, and dancing, together with the intense sensoria of rum, sweat, heat, and bodies pressed close together certainly ripen physiological conditions for transcendent states in participants.” (Wirtz 2007,110)

Although this quote doesn’t discuss the preparation and work needed to construct an altar, it mentions the feeling of a ritual as something more than just dancing. This is the feeling of ashe – the Yoruba word for life, destiny, and power, which flows through everything. When an altar is prepared correctly, it is able to channel ashe, and the dancing and music of rituals are able to activate ashe within an altar, giving the gods the power to come into the altar, and into the bodies of practitioners.

While there aren’t many recorded altars to Ochosi, I’ve been able to uncover several accounts of what an altar might look like, or what it might have on it. One source maintains “Ochosi resides in a frying pan”, that his altar should have “deer antlers, three arrows, three dog figurines, and a small mirror”, and should be offered “smoked fish, deer, and game birds” (Núñez, 2006, 374-375).  In a conversation with Dr. Matory, to whom this birthday throne is dedicated, he informed me that his experience was that altars to Ochosi are located low to the ground, and are often made with brambles. In this same fashion, another source describes an altar to Ochosi as a “bramblelike sacrificial shrine – dry leafless branches placed in a careful pile on the earth” (Thompson 1983, 58). While some of these reports differ, many have very similar aspects in them that can lead to a general idea of what’s expected in an altar to Ochosi – low to the ground, brambles, a bow and arrow, and smoked game.

In modern times, Ochosi has lost significance to many people. In our discussion of Ochosi, Dr. Matory explained that hunting has become much rarer as a form of work, and is also known as work for people of lower class, who aren’t often represented as much as people of upper classes. These factors may have contributed to why worship and altars devoted to Ochosi have become much harder to find. Many scholars support this claim, suggesting that: “undoubtedly, Ochosi lost importance in Cuba because hunting as a profession lost importance” (Sandoval 2006, 288). In a world run by modern agriculture and trade, not many people earn a living through hunting anymore, and not many people build altars specifically dedicated to Ochosi anymore.

My goal in this analysis was to discuss background on Ochosi, the work that goes into creating altars in Santería, and altars to Ochosi. Discussion of Ochosi opens up even more questions – what about the rest of the orisha? What happens when altars are activated? How has the spread of Yoruba through the slave trade affected its influence in Santería? Even this small altar to a minor orisha found in the Fleming Museum can open up a whole new world of information and discovery about a religion with incredibly far reaching roots – a religion that most people aren’t even aware exists.

Bibliography:

Ayorinde, Christine. Afro-Cuban Religiosity, Revolution, and National Identity. Gainsville: University Press of Florida, 2004.

González-Wippler, Migene. Santería The Religion. New York: Harmony Books, 1989.

Manuel-Núñez, Luis. Santería Stories. New York: Spring Publications, 2006.

Sandoval, Mercedes Cros. Worldview, the Orichas, and Santería. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2006.

Thompson, Robert Farris. Flash of the Spirit. New York: Random House, 1983.

Wirtz, Kristina. Ritual, Discourse, and Community in Cuban Santería. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.

Alyssa Falco

Ifa Divination isn’t an altar, it’s not part of an altar. It doesn’t belong on an altar. So instead when it’s in a museum where altars are present it gets represented on the wall and in a case. It hangs on the left wall in the room with the Haitian vodou altar. What makes me curious, is that divination is a Yoruba religion practice. Then I notice it’s tucked behind a long display case. This brown wooden tray sits back behind the case. It wouldn’t be the first object you notice walking into the room. Then as I walk closer, the detail of the 4 inch board starts to become more vivid. There are faces and there’s animals, looks like armadillos and horses, and designs that are unknown but have a snake structure to them. The details on the face are flat and smooth. The grooves along the face are deep. But what’s different is that each design looks like it’s pointed towards the middle. Like something should be demonstrated there, like a stage for a show. But the center in blank. Nothing but smooth, hard, brown wood. The whole board is about a foot and a half by a foot and a half and about 1-2 centimeters thick. There are two big faces, the biggest face at the top of the board. It has a flat nose and big protruding eyes. When looking at the board it’s the first carving that really pops out. I notice there is some symmetry that is on the board. The faces are across from each other, then there are the snake like designs on the left and right side of the board and then there are people and animals that looked scattered at first but then when you take a closer look you notice that they have some sort of pattern. There are two people, one of each sex, embracing on either side of the big face and they each have some sort of animal around them. Then there are other people around the board looking like the animals or the objects next to them have some sort of purpose next to them. Then as I read the description there are more parts that are described with this tray. There were two more items listed; pair of divination chains and the divination tapper. It then goes on to describe this thing, a babalawo or what they also called it the “father of mysteries” so of course this “father of mysteries” is just, that a mystery to me. So naturally with my curiosity getting the better of me I wanted to know more about what these mysteries were that the secrets of the babalawo. As I continue to read the description there is mention of Ifa, the first of the diviners. This again makes me wonder what the story is behind these diviners, what do they do? The description mentions that they have to memorize 256 odus. Which were poems, tales and prescriptions from the god Ifa himself. This was something that baffled me. Who could possibly remember that many poems, let alone some of them being stories. To me that was just insane. Naturally my curiosity grows. Then I take a look at these object, the chains and the tapper that is being described in the article. The chains are in a glass display case to the left of the tray. One of the chains didn’t really look like a chain. The other one however, was a made out of actual chain links. This one made sense to me, the small, grey chain links that is made out of chain links. At one end of the chain links there is one washer, one small white shell and one small brown shell. The other end has one bell, a small white shell and one small brown shell.  I noticed these bigger black shells that were present in each of the two chains. There was 8 in both of them. Then between the fourth and fifth shell there was a bigger gap that split the chain into two halves with four shells on each half. This again made me curious. How could these chains fit with this board. Do they hang them? Do they form some sort of pattern that corresponds to the board?  Each shell on the first chain is separated by a yellow blue pattern of beads. At one end there is a washer and one small white shell. On the other end there is one small bell present. The questions continued to fill my head. Now I look at the tapper, also found in the same display case as the chains. Now my head really has some questions. This tapper is different, nothing like I’ve ever seen before. First, thing I notice is the huge head that this man has. It’s a giant head. Looks like it hold so much information. The man sits upon this upside down cone. I go back to his head, he’s bald, he has this one protruding thing about his left ear. Almost looks like a tuft of hair. His head making him look very top heavy, if it were to be picked up. His neck is also incredibly long and skinny and he has a necklace around it. He hold something in each hand, looks like something flat and square in one hand and in the other he holds something to write with. All of this is made out of carved, solid, polished wood. If it’s name has anything to do with what it does, then I couldn’t imagine how. I don’t foresee this object being tapped on something. It’s to detailed to oddly shaped to be tapped on something. Just from looking at these objects I don’t know what to think. There are so different from anything I’ve ever seen. I wanted to know more about how these things so different could possibly fit together. Thus the questions soon lead to answers.

I had some background information of Ifa. He was the first of the diviners, so this means that he must be the oldest babalawo. As I continued my research another god kept popping up, Orunmila. The book Ifa Divination; Knowledge, power and performance made Orunmila more clear; “ Orunmila refers to exclusively to the deity himself, the name Ifa refers to both the deity and his divination system.” (51). Deity is another term for god, and from this Orunmila and Ifa are the same god, Ifa just refers to this process of divination itself. Therefore when Ifa and Orunmila are mentioned during the divination process, the communication could come from either of the gods. I look at the first of the three objects, an image can be found at the end of this paragraph.  On the top of the tray there was the biggest carved face. This face will represent Eshu, he is the messenger god. Some representation of Eshu is present on every divination tray. This is because Eshu can be known as a trickster as well and to have him on the client’s side so they can get their information from Ifa then Eshu must be happy and represented as well. Therefore, Eshu is the god the babalawo is connecting to and Eshu is connecting to Ifa to the transfer the information to the babalawo. During Divination, Eshu is faced towards the babalawo, which forms a diameter that gives Eshu no shame in being present on both halves of the diameter, because he is known to be the only god who directly communicates with humans, therefore, they don’t want Eshu to be looked down upon (Dialogue and Alliance 28). There must also be sacrifice giving to Eshu before the divination can start as well. The other designs on the board are never to be constant out of respect for Eshu. Meaning that the other carvings differ from board to board making each one unique (Dialogue and Alliance 26). However, this brought up another question to myself; why would these objects be present in the gender corner or the museum? The other carvings that are part of the board, usually represent other Yoruba life tasks. This would explain the animals, it could be the sacrifices, the loving embrace is reproduction, and so on. The most important carving is Eshu, which is clear that it is important in this Tray. However, this is only one of three very intricate objects.

The chains is the next object that came to my attention, an image can be found at the bottom of this paragraph.The 8 shells on each chain was constant in both, so I did some research on this as well. These chains are used to be tossed on the board and some sort of pattern will come from this. The shells have a smooth side and a rough side. The babalawo uses the chains to cast patterns that will either show the shells facing the smooth side or the rough side, then the number of shells on either side is recorded. There are a total of 16 sections of odu that the babalawo has to work with. Each pattern will represent a different section that the babalawo has to interpret. There are a total of 16 shells or nuts because it is said that when Ifa left earth his children climbed a tree and in return he gave the each 16 nuts (Thompson 34). Another thing that seems to come up with this tree is white powder. This white powder also comes from this same tree and is used during divination to be sprinkled over the tray so the babalawo has something to record the patterns he sees that form from the shells (Thompson 35). There are 8 on each chain and 4 on each half because when the babalawo is recording the patterns the way the possible combinations will equal 16. (http://thewitchesalmanac.com/yoruba/) This is just a faster way to obtain these patterns instead of using just 16 shells off the chain. Most babalawos prefer to use the chains because it is a faster method.

Every Babalawo uses a tapper. An image of the tapper being described can be found at the bottom of this paragraph.  The tapper has a very easy job. It simply summons the gods, Ifa and Eshu. To bring to them their attention that there is a divination going on and they need them to participate. A tapper can have many different looks. It all depends on the artist who made it. Because I don’t have the artist at my disposal, I like to draw some conclusions as to why the tapper may look like this based on my knowledge. I think the size of the head represents that number of odus the babalawo has to memorize. There is so much information that he has to memorize that it makes his head swell with all his knowledge. I believe the flat square object in this hand is a divination board and the other is a tapper as well, but a much smaller version. I think the man himself, represents the babalawo. I did find out why the man sits on a cone like structure. It is actually supposed to represent a tusk, and elephant tusk. In the Yoruba religion the cone is a ideogram for ashe. Ashe is divine power. Which represents all the power that is present and is needed for a divination ceremony. Therefore, the tapper is thus represented in this way (https://collections.dma.org/artwork/5327077). Now that reason for the shape and appearance of these objects is known and how these objects are used, I can finally look at why somebody in the Yoruba religion might want to even have a divination performed for them in the first place and I can look more at the babalawo himself who is a very important man in this ceremony.  

In a normal human life there are some bumps in the road that may need some resolving. So a person may go to therapy and talk with somebody to work through their problems and perhaps get some guidance. Now if we look at people who practice the African Diaspora religion, they do the same thing, but instead of going to see a therapist, they go to see the babalawo. A babalawo is a messenger of sorts. He performs the divination for the client and then he recites what happens in the terms of verses or stories that he must memorize. Each story, or odu, has a meaning, and that meaning will correspond to what is going on in the client’s life. Then sacrifices can be made to try and get the good fortune back. When the babalawo is initiated into this priesthood, after about 12 years of training, he must memorize the 256 odus that can be recited during divination. Now you may wonder how an odu may be displayed during divination, well there are no words that give you hints. There is a chain that is tossed on the divination board, where this marking and reading happens. The chain consists of 8 shells with a smooth side and a rough side. The chain in thrown 16 times and the babalawo marks down on the tray what the results of the shells were when they were tossed, whether or not they landed on the rough side or the smooth side. This pattern will then describe what odu, Ifa is trying to relay to the client. The babalawo must recite what is being said by Ifa and express that to the client without knowing any information about why the client might be there to begin with. This is strictly the job of a babalawo, he performs Ifa Divination is whole life until his time is up. There are many different reasons why somebody might need to have a divination performed.

Ifa divination is a process that is used maybe during a milestone in somebody’s life. For example a newly married couple may go to divination to then look to their future. Somebody might go when they are looking from some insight into a new job they are starting. Maybe they would go if the just had a family member die and somebody else was sick in the hospital and they just feel like they need a change or have no more go fortune left in them. These people then go to this babalawo to have them perform a divination for them. They look to Ifa to give them some hope to hopefully turn their life around or point it in the right direction. This ceremony may often end in a sacrifice that the client might need to do. The sacrifice may be an animal or a gift for Ifa. This sacrifice will be a thanks to Ifa for the knowledge that he gave the client on the future and in hopes for good fortune.

The museum exhibition four different altars that represent each religion. Then there are objects that also fit into each religion based on what they may represent. The divination items can be found in the gender section of the museum. At first this may be very puzzling. However, when you take a closer look at the objects, you can see gender is displayed in them. The tray has carvings of both male and female showing their dependency on one another in everyday life, but also their independence they display. The embracing is needed of both sexes. But then some things there is only one person present at a point in the tray border. Symbolizing that each gender can be independent as well. The tapper itself is also a carving of a man as well. Then for obvious reasons this would fit into gender as well. I mentioned earlier that the tray’s carvings were pointed toward the center as if a show was going to happen. Now that the purpose of the blank middle, it is almost as though there is a show that it happening there. The messages from the gods is being conveyed in the center of this board. Now because the museum is full of altars, we can see that each altar has a show of its own. There are things present on each altar that are there for presentation to the gods they correspond to. In a way this is the same thing going on with the divination board. There is sacrifices that are made for the gods during divination just as there are for the altars. Maybe not a dead animal, but there are things present that are meant to give thanks to the goods, which is that same idea. The idea of divination itself is a ceremony that is for the people but it ties the gods into it as well. By asking them for their help or be asking them for a favor. The presence of an altar is again the same concept. It is made by the people and worshiped by the people because they want a sense of faith that they will have a good life as well. They feed their altars which then feed the gods to ensure a good life. Ifa Divination has the same idea. The people of these religions want to have a good life, they put their faith into their gods just as any other religion would. The objects that are used in Ifa divination put on an excellent performance and allow the people of the Yoruba religion to have faith that they will have a happy life, something that every person wants. Good fortune and a happy life.