Daniel DellaPasqua

Haitian Vodou Ritual

October 12, 2017

A Tase of Haitian Vodou at Fleming Museum

On Thursday, October 12th, I attended a Haitian Vodou ritual in the Fleming Museum. When the ritual began, leader Priestess Marie Maude Evans began prayer. The Priestesses then knelt down in front of a large alter, adjacent to three drummers who began to drum lightly. On the altar sat dozens of sparkling bottles, delicious foods for the gods, candles, pictures, and many other personal altar objects owned by Professor J. Lorand Matory. Once the ritual began, which was gradual, the drummers started to play more intensely. Once this began, the three women performing the ritual started to dance to the rhythm. The women were eventually joined by a crowd of people who began to dance, trying to bring about the Haitian spirits or deities. The dances they were doing, as learned from class, resemble breaking free from slavery and oppression, a plead for freedom.

I read an article by Tim Johnson called “A taste of Vodou at UVM” where he interviews Talibi Adedoyin Faniyi, chief priestess of a temple in Oshogbo, Nigeria. She states, “Dance is very important in the worship, because with dance, through dance … you get in trance, and when you have trance … It’s through dance you get a kind of message from the deity.”

This was the most fascinating part to me, how the drums and dancing intertwined. The drums are the noise which activates the energy or áshe(Yoruba) within the room. As learned from readings in class and lectures from acclaimed scholars, movement and noise is needed in order to activate or bring about energy. The more of these elements you have, the stronger the energy in the room. It gives the ritual a life force to feed from.

Ultimately, the most interesting part of the ritual to me was when one of the woman performing the ritual was possessed by the deity Kalfu. Suddenly, she started dancing out of rhythm with the rest of the practitioners, and it was clear Kalfu had possessed her, inserting his soul into her. When this happens, the body is a vesicle for the god, and they are unaware of what happened during the time of possession. This reminds me, to some extent, of Thompson’s chapter which illustrated Shango spirit possession on page 84. While Kalfu possession is not permanent, you are still housing a spirit within.

Also, the altar used during the ritual had many of the artifacts typical to our readings. The artifact that stood out to me most were the bottles, which I immediately connected to McAlister’s “A Sorcerer’s Bottle.” Although this was not a wanga, the bottles are still vesicles for a god to use, drinking the libations within. Overall the Haitian Vodou ritual was exciting, energetic, and intense. One could physically feel the energy in the air. I think this event was beneficial in better understanding African Diaspora as a whole. Seeing the way which practitioners of these religions interact with their gods is far different than one could contextualize from readings. With this being said, I am glad I chose to attend this event.

I believe that the main point of this chapter was to tell a story about the experience of having a sacred object from another culture. The main point was also to educate people on the purpose of such objects and to say that if you’re going to have an object like the bottle it is better to know how to take care of it and know the purpose of it so as not to fetishize the culture.

I found the idea of the afterlife really interesting. The belief that human souls go essentially underwater for a time after they die is incredibly intriguing. There are many ideas about the afterlife in a lot of different cultures and I find this one to be pretty unique. In the times of the Romans and the ancient Greeks the ideas of the afterlife also involved water but there were different regions of what they called the underworld. What region you went to was based on what you did in life. If you went to the Elysian Fields you were a distinguished person who was righteous and had ethical merit. Those in the Elysian Fields could either stay there or be reborn and those who were reborn and went to the Elysian Fields in each life they lived then after the third time they would be sent to the Isles of the Blessed. Then there were the Fields of Asphodel which were for normal people who didn’t commit any major crimes and didn’t achieve greatness, the souls there had to work, unlike those in the Elysian Fields. The Fields of Punishment were for those who had committed crimes against the gods and those who wreaked havoc while they were alive. Tartarus was reserved for those who committed heinous crimes against the gods and were given specific punishments, like Tantalus who had the gods over for dinner and tried to feed them his son. He was forced to stand in a pool of water under a fruit tree, and when he was hungry and reached for fruit the branches would move out of his reach. When he wanted water the pool would dry up.

The underwater world where Haitian spirits dwell after death is incredibly different from that and I find that extremely interesting. Other religions have ideas of heaven and hell but that doesn’t seem to exist in Haitian Vodou. So I guess my question is: In Haitian Vodou is there any sort of punishment in the afterlife for those who committed heinous crimes? And do any gods decide where people go if that punishment does exist or does everyone end up in the underwater land of the dead?

Engaging with Information: This guide introduces you to the wide range of research materials that you will encounter at UVM. It provides you with a method for evaluating information that will help you plan your research and analyze the sources you find.

Searching with CATQuest: CATQuest is a powerful discovery tool that searches nearly (not all) everything in UVM Libraries’ physical and digital collections. This guide will introduce you to some of CATQuest’s many great features and help you find exactly what you need.

Opa Osun

My research will be centered on the Opa Osun staff of fate, an artifact that represents the destiny of an Orisha worshipper. A staff of this nature is commonly placed in front of one’s home to enrich the life of its owner. Composed of mostly iron, the staff is approximately 30 inches tall and 10 inches in diameter. The staff must always remain upright; placing the object horizontally on the ground is considered to be an act of ill will specifically felt by the owner. The object itself consists of two levels that resemble the ring around Saturn. On each level there are many small birds circling the stalk of the staff, however the lower level differs because it contains a large bird surrounded by the smaller ones. Birds are critical to Yoruba culture for they are associated with the importance of the head. By focusing on the object in context, I would like to reveal whether or not the object was placed in front of an Orisha follower’s home, and how it has become a museum artifact. In addition to this, I hope my findings allow me to learn if the staff is still activated in the sense that the same rules apply when it was utilized by its owner.

The elements of Yoruba culture that give the Opa Osun meaning have been discussed in several readings covered in the course curriculum. “Ase: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art”, presented by Professor Abiodun, discusses the vital force of Ase. Ase is said to be present in all facets of Yoruba art, including objects such as staffs. Analyzing the essence of Ase from the reading will give insight to the question of whether or not the Opa Osun is still activated in the context of the museum. If the staff does in fact remain activated, the measures that are taken to prevent foul placement will be detailed. The Opa Osun contains visual sculpted birds, which are emphasized in Yoruba culture because a bird’s head is the front facing part of its body. The critical role of the head is explained in “Yoruba World”. “It is the site of one’s spiritual essence, the place through which divine forces enter during possession trance, and a kind of visible oriki conveying a person’s dignity and pride in positive achievement” (Drewal, Pemberton, Abiodun 15). By analyzing the prominence of one’s head in the reading it is hoped to reason why birds were incorporated in a staff that represents the fate and destiny of its owner.

In order to learn more about the origin of the Opa Osun staff in the exhibit, I will enlist help from the library staff to possibly find reports of similar staffs in Nigeria. By doing so I hope to find the region where this staff was located which will help me determine if the staff once belonged to a practitioner and was misplaced. Another source I intend to use to further understand the questions put forth will be articles that include iron staffs in Yoruba culture and the treatment by owners to prevent ill will. Using the library’s Gale database tool, I will be able to focus on peer reviewed scholarly journals relating to the topic. Another potential resource I can use to answer my questions is some sort of film that incorporates the pertinence of birds in Yoruba culture. A film or documentary that explicitly describes the concept of the larger bird surrounded by lesser birds is preferred to benefit my understanding of the Opa Osun staff.

I am studying the Pakèt Kongo for Èzili Dantó on the Haitian Vodou altar. Èzili Dantó is the warrior mother, she is often depicted as a black Madonna and she is always shown with a child. Her colors are red, blue, and green. Èzili Dantó is the perfect mother, she will drop everything to help her children and she is the protector of single mothers, working women, and abused women. I am studying the Pakèt Kongo for Èzili Dantó because I want to find out how the object is used in Vodou, how it represents who Èzili Dantó is and why a Paket Kongo is used to represent her on altars. The goddess Èzili Dantó is sometimes often referred to as Èzili Dantór or just Dantór. She is one of the Petro Lwa and is considered to be one of the “hot” spirits because she can be wild, aggressive, and not easy to control. Èzili Dantó is matched with the image of Mater Salvatoris and with other Madonnas such as Our Lady of Czestochowa and Our Lady of Mount Carmel.
Johnson talked about hybridity in religion and the ways that religions like Christianity and Catholicism mixed with African diasporic religions. Christianity mixed with Haitian Vodou during the slave revolution in the 1800s in Haiti. Polish troops sided with the Haitian slaves which led to Our Lady of Czestochowa becoming an image of Èzili Dantó.
For my research and object analysis I’m going to need primary and secondary sources talking about Èzili Dantó and Pakèt Kongos and their functions on Haitian Vodou altars. I will use the UVM library to look for resources that have information on Èzili Dantó and on Haitian Vodou altars. Duke University’s site on the sacred arts of the Black Atlantic may also be useful in determining the purpose of Pakèt Kongos and how they represent the god or goddess they are for.

The ibiri, is a scepter-like object carried by the orixa of dance, death, disease and mud; Nanã. Nanã is an orixa of the Brazilian practice of Candomble. The ibiri was said to have been for with Nanã, in the placenta, and the staff itself grew as Nanã aged. However, the staff was placed into the earth, and Nanã was temporarily seperated from it. Until, her son Omolú had found it and brought it back to his mother, and this is what the word ibiri is translated into “Son-found-it- and brought-back-to-me” as found on page 71 in our textbook. The ibiri, is a twin scepter, to the xaxará, the scepter had by Omolú, god of pestilence, and her son. The ibiri is made of a gathered bunch of the ribs of palm fronds, around which is an intricately interwoven net of woven African straw, and adorned with various colored swatches, especially of the colors blue and white, and cowry shells. The colors of blue and white are especially associated with Nanã. The ibiri, is a symbol to the orixa, of when she carried her son in her arms as an infant.

My question is to seek how the ibiri is activated and used in Candomble practices, and how a devotee of Nanã can use the wand and activate its abilities in ritualistic practices. Also, I wish to discover more about the practice of dancing, using the ibiri, as Nanã is also the orixa of dancing, and knowing thus far into our learning of ritualistic practices of black Atlantic religions, how important dancing and motion is in activating not only a religious object, but also the Ashe of the practitioner, during these rituals.

In order to discover more about the answers to my questions, I will consult our textbook primarily, as Nanã is discussed in Chapter One, and the history of the Ibiri and the birth, life, and mythology of the goddess, herself. Also, I will use the library here at UVM to attempt and discover further history and practices of the Ibiri, primarily how it is used in Candomblé practices, but also relations of the Ibiri, and the orixa Nanã with the religious practices, and possible interactions with other deities.

I am studying the staff of the God Oxalá who is the oldest of the orishas. He is the orisha of purity and whiteness and owns the head. He walks hunched over using the staff to support him. Oxalá is syncretized with Jesus Christ just like other orishas are associated with Catholic saints. He is the father of all Orisha and the owner of all Ori. The oldest avatar of Oxalá carries this significant staff or paxorô.

Oxalás colors are white and silver, this is represented in the silver six-tiered staff. The top holds a crown symbolizing his power and a dove representing peace and his preferred sacrificial animal. Hanging on each of the tiers are pendants meant to represent Oxalá himself and the other orishas associated with him. On each of the six tiers which stick out like umbrellas are attached pendants including shapes of fish, mortars, bells, butterflies, and feathers. Each pendant represents one of the orishas. An example is the fish pendant represents the sea Iemanjã.

To find more information about the paxorô of
Oxalá I will use the UVM library to find books explaining the use of the staff in religious practices. Primary and secondary sources found on the internet may also aid me to find how the significance of the paxorô for personhood. Duke University’s site on the sacred arts of the Black Atlantic also gives information on the symbolism of the pendants which can represent its function in society. 

Spirit possession is a large aspect of Diaspora religion, for instance Shango, Yoruba god of thunder and lightning possesses his followers, taking them as brides in an eternal commitment. I am studying the outfit worn by Shango’s bride. This outfit is worn by those who are possessed by the Orisa Shango, which are typically referred to as ‘mounts.’ The outfit consists of a cloth wrap which is covered in cowry shells which represent wealth and power, as they were formerly used as currency. The shells are said to enrich the mount. Also, the outfit consists of a brightly colored tiger print skirt, which represents Shango’s ferocity. I am studying this outfit in order for the reader to discover how spirit possession of the wearers of these outfits contributes to the  personhood and identity of those possessed.

My question I am trying to answer is ‘how spirit possession of brides contributes their personhood and identity.’ Those possessed refers to whoever wears this outfit. A class reading I have seen this question emerge from is Thompsons “Flash of The Spirit,” on PG 86 where he talks about those possessed by Shango. This source says the áshe of Shango is found within a stone, and only he and his brave followers know how to balance this stone, unsupported on their heads. This chapter has other details regarding specifics on spirit possession as well. For instance Thompson writes, “the áshe of Shango is found within the stone.” These details can be used to identify how a brides commitment to Shango influences their identity and personhood.

In order to better understand my question I will need primary ethnographical documents written by those who have been around brides of Shango. I believe understanding their lives more may help answer the question better. Also, I would need secondary resources such as cultural encyclopedias which document the history of Yoruba people and the origin of spirit possessions within their culture. Thirdly, finding more articles written by authors such as Thompson will probably be my most promising avenue. The readings we do in class tend to explain the logistics behind Diaspora culture, which is ultimately the main goal. Discovering the reasoning behind spirit possession, as well as its history is an important step in understanding Shango’s connection with his brides.

I have chosen to research the Ceramic-Tiled Image of the Afro-Cuban Goddess Yemayá. This object is a drink tray and is used to carry drinks and is depicting a cuban deity despite the object being from the United States. The object was designed by Ernesto Pichardo who is a Cuban Santero who was the plaintiff in a 1987 Supreme Court Case which ruled in favor of Ernesto Pichardo and overturned a ban on animal sacrifice. The law that was put into place in 1987 in the city of Hialeah, Florida. Despite its non-ritual use this object has a connection to an important Supreme Court ruling that is very important for many religions that practice animal sacrifice. Ernesto Pichardo is known for attempting to re-africanize his sect of Santoria.

Yemayá is the goddess of the sea and as a result has somewhat of an association with water and other drinks because of her being an entity controlling the water. Additionally the number seven, Yemayá’s sacred number, is ever present in the tray. The seven sea creature in the bottom portion of the border, the seven Cowrie Shells on the border, The seven starfish on each side of the border, the seven fish hooks on the border, and the seven Cowrie shells on Yemayá’s necklace the ever present nature of seven in the object is immensely important to the deity that is depicted on the tile. However, in Africa Yemayá’s number is nine as opposed to seven in Cuba “nine is one of the numbers of Yemayá in Africa, as in the Abeokuta praise verse, “open river, divided into nine parts.”(Thompson 76-77). Finding more about the Cuban outlook on the numbers was something I wasn’t able to find out about more in the readings.

In order to find more information on the imagery for my research I will need a primary and secondary source. I will research Cuban festivals and altars dedicated to Yemayá in order to find out what items are considered sacred to her and what the usage and meaning of those objects are. I will read books and articles online to find out more about Yemayá from Cuban people who worship her so I can better understand her from the eyes of a Cuban worshipper. With the information I think I will be able to understand the differences between the way African and Cuban people worship the same deity differently and also understand why those differences have happened.

I have chosen to study the Cuban Santería altar to Ochosi. It is a beautiful altar with a vase decorated with blue, yellow, and coral beads, and it sits next to a bow and arrow, decorated with the same beads. Ochosi is a divine hunter, known for his arrows that never miss their mark. He represents swift and blind justice, and is close friends with Eleggua and Ogun. I would like to find out how followers of Ochosi practice honoring him, and how he impacts the daily life of followers who have either gained his favor or his disdain. For example, I would like to research when, how often, and in what manner his followers worship him, and in what circumstances he brings fortune, misfortune, or other changes to their lives in return. I believe that this research will help my reader try to see an important aspect of Santería culture and religion in Cuba from less of an outsider’s view.

While our readings have focused greatly on the spread of African diasporic religions, I plan on focusing less on how he may have changed as a result of Yoruba religion spreading to Cuba, and more on the immediate impacts that he has on his followers. Robert Farris Thompson’s Flash of the Spirit goes into some detail on the mythology of Ochosi, and even describes, “a strange, bramble-like shrine, the ojubo oshoosi, for sacrifice to Oshoosi”(Thompson, 58). Many of our readings don’t focus in on specific aspects of worship that currently occur in the world, so I believe that researching such topics will provide many interesting opportunities to view the world of Orisha worship.

To complete my research, I imagine that I’ll need lots of primary resources. I anticipate utilizing books and literary works with information about Ochosi and rituals devoted to him. I would also like to be able to find primary resources such as films or interviews that center on actual people that worship Ochosi, to get a first-hand account and hear about the experience of people that aren’t outsiders. I also believe that secondary resources could be helpful, because they could analyze the accuracy of primary sources discussing Ochosi worship, or discuss whether or not sources are written as heavily biased, or from the view of an outsider. With these sources, I believe that I could find a lot of useful information on the worship and actions of the Santería orisha Ochosi.