On September 26, I walked into the Spirited Things Exhibition at the Fleming Museum for an exclusive look at the unfinished exhibit. Greeting the class at the doorway was Eshu-Elegbara, an Orisa who specializes in spiritual communication. As the class was set free to roam, I moved past Eshu where a flash of tiger print caught my eye.  Looking at the object, front to back, I realized it was an outfit composed of an intricately woven maroon shawl and a vibrant synthetic tiger print skirt. The shawl, which was separate strips of cloth woven together and decorated with cowry shells, was accompanied by an undershirt, also riddled with hundreds of shells stitched in parallel lines along the seams. There were so many shells stitched into the outfit that the wearer would likely experience a small party with each step, hundreds of jingling shells clacking together. The skirt however, was made of a synthetic cloth, patterned with tiger stripes. The skirt itself was an unnatural, but striking orange color which had purple cloth framing around the seams. As my gaze was drawn up to the head of the mannequin, I noticed it had intricately woven braids as well. After this observation, I realized I had yet to look at the actual title of the artifact, it read “Attire of the Manifest God Ṣango.” The description informed me that this outfit is worn by devotees who are preparing to be “mounted” or in other words, spiritually possessed by the Yoruba god Ṣango.

I noticed in the description that all devotees wear this outfit while worshiping, and I wondered how this outfit contributed to spirit possession among those individuals. With this I began to investigate why the outfit worn by a bride was essential for spirit possession. In this essay I will provide background on Yoruba cultures and customs, and explain how this outfit contributes to spirit possession in ritual. A crucial key to understanding this contribution, is getting to know the Orisa Ṣango himself.

Ṣango is the Yoruba god of thunder, who yields his Thunder Axe, Oshe, and now represents the powers of the Oyo kings. Glazier, author of “If Old Heads Could Talk” writes, ”Ṣango is the most powerful and the most feared Yoruba deity both in Africa and in the Diaspora.”(Glazier, 2012, 199) It is in his reputation that one can can really understand his power. Like previously mentioned, Ṣango takes many brides, as he manifests his soul in the body of his devotees. Miles Richardson, author of “Beyond Conversion and Syncretism” illustrates that wives of Ṣango constantly bring about the presence of the Orisa. This honors the god and creates an incentive for him to bless and protect those who worship him. (Richardson, 2011, 146-156) He is worshipped all over the world for this reason, ranging from Africa itself, to South America and the Atlantic. Do to his position in the Orisa hierarchy, Ṣango is hugely worshiped for power and protection. However, hundreds of other Orisa are worshiped by Yoruba culture, particularly through the use of structures called altars and different objects which are placed on the altar.

An altar is device used to communicate with the spirits or the Orisa living among the Spirit world. They are stages for worship which are uniquely designed to communicate with different spirits. Altars are a place to generate energy for spiritual communication, this is done in many ways. The most frequently seen is the use of objects on an altar. These objects are set in a particular spacial arrangement which generates áse, the primordial life force residing within all beings. Rowland Abiodun, professor of The History of Art and Black Studies at Amherst College, explained the concept of áse as being the life force which resides within all of us. Professor Abiodun explained how áse, despite abundant, has to be drawn from any environment to be presented to an Orisa, and this ultimately happens through art, music, and dance. He accompanied this statement with an anecdote about objects on an altar. He said, an object is only an object until it is charged with áse, after an object is charged it has the power to do work.

Áse is essential to all Yoruba worship, conceptually it can be considered fuel, like gasoline powering a car. It is áse that charges objects on an altar, giving them energy and turning them into more than just pieces of material. After objects are used or prepared in particular ways, áse can be generated and used to call spirits before those who have summoned them. Objects are charged with áse in many ways. For instance, J. Lorand Matory found himself stepping outside the Fleming Museum nearing the opening of the Spirited Things exhibition to puff cigar smoke on his personal altar object. The smoke charged the object, giving the corresponding Orisa what it likes and prefers. These methods of preparation charge objects with the energy required for spiritual connection. Just as important as áse, are the physical objects on the altar which is being worshiped. Particular items can symbolize a broad range of things which summon and worship particular Orisa. Each object can be a particular offering to an Orisa, as they are things that the Orisa specifically prefers. For instance money or liquors are offerings which bring about áse and strive to enrich and nourish that Orisa, but an Orisa may prefer a certain food or liquor. With this being said, every object is specific to the preferences of the Orisa.

Those who worship the Orisa Ṣango specifically undergo spirit possession during ritual, where the soul or energy of a particular Orisa enters your body. Ṣango possession is a particular form of spirit possession where the bride can be either male or female. The term bride is gender inclusive of those devoted to Ṣango. Spirit possession in general has been typical of Yoruba ritual ceremonies and is a means of communication with spirits. It is in the crossover to a parallel reality where those undergoing possession can find solutions to problems, see future events, and communicate with their Orisa. It is a process that is deeply important, yet deeply hard to understand. In Yoruba culture they do not have the same notion that death means one is completely gone, but spiritually transferred to a different world, the world of  the spirits. Through this world Yoruba people connect to the spirits. However, spirit possession can not occur without the presence of áse.(Glazier, 2012, 204)

With this being said, the outfit worn by a bride of Ṣango must link a devotee to the spirit of Ṣango himself. Previously stated, Yoruba culture primarily uses altars with many objects to bring about áse, which can summon different Orisa. However, in this worship there is no apparent altar. It was at this point in my research where I looked to a reading by Thompson where he states the altar of River goddess, Oṣun, is not a tangible altar, but instead the holy river she once touched. (Thompson, 1993, 270)  From this I could conclude that the body of a Ṣango devotee serves as the altar which calls to Ṣango. An altar does not have to be a physical structure, but anything decorated with objects to worship an Orisa. Just as a Santeria altar would be decorated with offerings to bring about áse, the human body is decorated for the same purpose, but on a different form of altar. Each aspect of the outfit is a different offering, and also a method of drawing áse to charge the body itself.

If the body of a mount serves as the altar which worships Ṣango during ritual, then the outfit which they wear must consist of various artifacts which can charge them with áse, enabling them to connect with Ṣango. Glazier writes, “Ṣango devotees belief that illness and misfortune result from a lack of attention to the Orisa, and a belief that when properly attended to, will help them in their daily lives.”(Glazier, 2012, 193) This serves as evidence to support why brides wear this outfit during rituals to communicate with Ṣango. By wearing the outfit, brides are decorating their altars with power objects which generates áse within them, summoning Ṣango to possess those who worship. From here, Ṣango can help them in their struggles. In the same article by Glazier, he states that devotees attempt to establish binding contracts with Ṣango by wearing this outfit, however Orisa are fluid and characterized by a large degree of uncertainty. It is by wearing this outfit brides try to solidify their commitment to Ṣango, constantly worshiping him throughout the ritual.(Glazier, 2012, 193)

Each article of clothing represents something different, much like how individual altar objects represent different symbols as well. The synthetic tiger pelt worn by devotees represent Ṣango’s ferocity and power. The tiger is a jungle cat with a high social status on the food chain, Ṣango is similar to this in a lot of ways. He is a highly respected god who resides near the top of the Orisa hierarchy, containing the ferocity of a wild tiger. This pelt is used to symbolize those qualities on the altar, paying tribute to Ṣango’s strength. Also, when Ṣango does possess, he wants to be bold and noticed. This eye catching garment is bright and resonates confidence for the Orisa. The skirt is also red and orange, Ṣango’s own colors.

Equally as important is the cowry covered shirt and shawl. First off, cowries were a form of West African currency. With this being said, the cowries are meant to enrich Ṣango with offerings of money. Also, the noise in which the shells make generate áse by the jingling they make. Often noise, particularly drums, are used in Yoruba ritual to bring about áse and coerce spirits to visit altars. The cowries can function as their own device, generating noise and drawing áse into the altar through movement and dance.

The braids worn by Ṣango brides are also an important object on the altar. The braids which mounts of Ṣango wear in their hair symbolizes their marriage to Ṣango. This style is called agogo and is taken very seriously, as different braiding patterns all symbolize different things. In Justine M. Cordwell’s “The Fabric of Culture,” he states “Devotees of Ṣango don’t shave their head after initiation…head shaving upon death marks passage from life and membership, to death and nonmembership.” This specific pattern of braiding is thus an altar object which broadcasts ones devotion to Ṣango and his worship on a permanent basis.(Cordwell, 385) The braiding is a life long commitment, much like the devotion to Ṣango.

By devotees wearing this particular outfit, they can transform themselves into a fully charged altar. The different elements of the costume embody Ṣango and deliver áse to the body, inviting him to reside within his altar during ritual. By wearing the outfit the mount creates a particular spacial arrangement of objects, noises, and practices which act as any regular altar to draw Ṣango from the spirit world into the vessel of the human body. With this being said, the outfit worn by a bride of Ṣango is meant to generate the continuous presence of áse and charge the body with energy to attract Ṣango. The outfit is crucial in the physical spirit possession of a mount as it is the synthesis of áse, the power which drives the ritual to success. From the hundreds of cowries, to the furious tiger pelt, each piece of the outfit serves as an altar symbol, an effort to communicate with Ṣango, the mighty god of thunder.

Bibliography of sources which relate spirit possession among African Diaspora religions.

Cordwell, Justin M. The Fabric of Culture. Paris: Mouton Publishersn.d

Glazier, Stephen. If Old Heads Could Talk. Vol. 54, Canadian Anthropology society, 2012.

Matory, J. L. Sex and the empire that is no more : gender and the politics of metaphor in Oyo Yoruba religion. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.

Richardson, Miles. Beyond Conversion and Syncretism: Indigenous Encounters with Missionary Christianity. N.p.: Berghahn Books, 2011.

Thompson, Robert F. Face of The Gods. New York City: The Museum of African Arts, 1993.

Stepping into the Fleming Museum’s Santería birthday throne, your eyes are overwhelmed with bright colors, sparkling fabrics, beaded objects, shiny crowns. Closest to the viewer, perched on the ground, the simple altar of Ochosi sits. This altar somewhat contrasts all of the elegant and elaborately decorated altars that are raised up high in the air; Ochosi’s altar is rather plain, save for his signature blue, gold, and coral beads.

Ochosi’s shrine, while simple, is also beautiful. A grey ceramic bowl sits on the ground, but holds inside a bow and arrow, and a spear adorned with those blue, golden, and coral beads that seem to draw light to them. A string of these beads of all different shapes and sizes circle the bowl, bringing dimension to the simple ceramic shape. Beside the bow and arrow, a pair of metal black manacles sit menacingly, as if daring its audience to challenge the forces of justice. A pear-shaped calabash, adorned with beads, shells, and blue ribbons rests on the floor next to the ceramic bowl: hollow, with only secrets inside. A simple silk rug sits underneath the bowl and and the calabash, half a deep blue, and half golden. Next to the altar is also a horsehair whip, the handle embedded with Ochosi’s beads. This whip is unusual, as it is usually only given to orisha, or gods, of higher status, such as Obatala, Yemaya, Oya, and other royalty. Normally, Ochosi isn’t considered royalty at all, which makes this whip an abnormality. Although the altar of Ochosi has all of these beautiful and intricate details, it’s not particularly eye-catching, especially compared to the loud and embellished altars on display in the birthday throne.

I chose to study the altar of Ochosi because it called out to me. It’s the altar closest to its audience, yet it seems barren and small compared to other altars. This was what intrigued me most as I studied the altars in the Santería birthday throne. As I learned more about Ochosi, I became interested in studying how he is worshipped – what his altars look like, how his rituals are performed. In this essay I will first provide some background on Ochosi, then I will explain briefly how Santería altars are made and how they function, and what is known about altars to Ochosi.

Ochosi, sometimes spelled Oshossi or Oxossi, is the Yoruba orisha of hunting and justice. With the passage of time and with the slave trade bringing practitioners to and from other countries, Yoruba religion has spread to different cultures to form religions such as Santería, Vodou, and Candomble. This is the African diaspora, and it refers to the spread of new religions formed by followers of Yoruba adapting to and including new cultures in their worship. Ochosi isn’t an orisha easily found – his name appears in many books, but only to mention him in passing as one of the great warrior orisha. The main legend known about Ochosi is one in which he hunts a quail to present to the gods, but his mother cooks it and eats it instead. Ochosi catches another quail, and asks for his arrow to pierce the heart of the thief who stole the first quail, and is distraught when he sees his own arrow land in the chest of his mother (Sandoval 2006, 286) (González-Wippler 2004,50-51). This tale demonstrates Ochosi’s talent at hunting and his passion for justice – two of the main attributes that he exemplifies.

The birthday throne found in the Fleming Museum is dedicated to a man named Dr. J Lorand Matory, a practitioner of Santería, and a professor of cultural anthropology, African studies, and African American studies at Duke University. Birthdays are very important in Santería, and this throne is a collection of altars dedicated to orisha such as Yemaya or Ochosi. Orisha are placed in order of importance in general, but also of importance to the practitioner. Often, importance is shown in height – Obatala, the father of all orisha, has his altar on the tallest pillar. While all altars to a certain orisha have some aspects in common, small details will always differ based on who the throne is dedicated to. We’ve already seen this in how Dr. Matory chose to give Ochosi, who is often seen as lower class, a horsehair whip, which is normally only given to orisha that are considered royalty. Altars provide a significant view not only into how religion is practiced – but also into the details and intricacies that can make an altar or a birthday throne unique to a single practitioner.

Dr. Matory’s altar to Ochosi is also unique in that it’s touching the altar of Ogun – no other altars are touching in this way. Ochosi is known for his relationship and ability to get along with other orisha, particularly Ogun, the orisha of iron and the forge. Mythology about Ochosi and Ogun varies – many stories say that they’re brothers, but some maintain that they are simply very close friends. Regardless of the details, all stories place significance on the fact that these orisha are very close. The legendary blacksmith Ogun forges weapons such as bows, swords, and spears, and the great hunter Ochosi uses them. Dr. Matory’s birthday throne provides a perfect example of how altars can embody their orisha – the closeness of Ochosi and Ogun’s altars illustrates the closeness of their relationship.

Altars are very sacred in many religions, and Santería is no exception.`Altars, when activated, can channel orisha. Altars are activated through ashe – the Yoruba word for life, destiny, and power, which flows through everything. Ashe is activated through song, dance, smells, foods, and more, which is why it is very important that an altar has all of the correct objects, foods, beads, etc. When an altar is prepared correctly, it is able to channel ashe, which is what activates it, giving the gods the power to come into the altar, and into the bodies of participants in a ritual. The sound of singing, the feeling of dancing, the smells of foods, and the sights of traditional ritualistic outfits all contribute and activate the ashe of an altar. People performing rituals can also become “spirit possessed”, a state in which the spirit of the orisha summoned enters the body of a practitioner. When an altar is activated, the gods have the power to come into the altar, and into the bodies of the participants of the ritual. Altar making is such a specific and valued skill in Yoruba and Santería because it is very difficult to know what, where, and how to place objects on an altar to allow it to channel an orisha.

While there aren’t many recorded altars to Ochosi, I’ve been able to uncover several accounts of what an altar might look like, or what it might have on it. One source maintains “Ochosi resides in a frying pan”, that his altar should have “deer antlers, three arrows, three dog figurines, and a small mirror”, and should be offered “smoked fish, deer, and game birds” (Núñez, 2006, 374-375).  In a conversation with Dr. Matory, he informed me that his experience was that altars to Ochosi are located low to the ground, and are often made with brambles. In this same fashion, another source describes an altar to Ochosi as a “bramblelike sacrificial shrine – dry leafless branches placed in a careful pile on the earth” (Thompson 1983, 58). While some of these reports differ, many have very similar aspects in them that can lead to a general idea of what’s expected in an altar to Ochosi – low to the ground, brambles, a bow and arrow, and smoked game.

In modern times, Ochosi has lost significance to many people. In our discussion of Ochosi, Dr. Matory also explained that hunting has become much rarer as a form of work, and is also known as work for people of lower class, who aren’t often represented as much as people of upper classes. These factors may have contributed to why worship and altars devoted to Ochosi have become much harder to find. Many scholars support this claim, suggesting that: “undoubtedly, Ochosi lost importance in Cuba because hunting as a profession lost importance” (Sandoval 2006, 288). In a world run by modern agriculture and trade, not many people earn a living through hunting anymore, and not many people build altars specifically dedicated to Ochosi anymore.

My goal in this analysis was to discuss background on Ochosi, the work that goes into creating altars in Santería, and altars to Ochosi. Discussion of Ochosi opens up even more questions – what about the rest of the orisha? What happens when altars are activated? How has the spread of Yoruba through the slave trade affected its influence in Santería? Even this small altar to a minor orisha found in the Fleming Museum can open up a whole new world of information and discovery about a religion with incredibly far reaching roots – a religion that many people aren’t even aware exists.

Bibliography:

Ayorinde, Christine. Afro-Cuban Religiosity, Revolution, and National Identity. Gainsville: University Press of Florida, 2004.

González-Wippler, Migene. Santería The Religion. New York: Harmony Books, 1989.

Manuel-Núñez, Luis. Santería Stories. New York: Spring Publications, 2006.

Matory, J. Lorand (Professor at Duke University) in discussion with the author, October 2017.

Sandoval, Mercedes Cros. Worldview, the Orichas, and Santería. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2006.

Thompson, Robert Farris. Flash of the Spirit. New York: Random House, 1983.

Wirtz, Kristina. Ritual, Discourse, and Community in Cuban Santería. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.

The object is a Drink tray depicting the Goddess Yemaya. The tray is used to carry drinks and is sold to the public in mass. The public can purchase the tray however many don’t have any context as to who is on the tray or who designed the tray. The meaning of the tray to a practitioner of Regla de Ocha, Yoruba, Voodoo, or Candomble is completely different from the meaning to the average person in the United States as the average  person has no idea who Yemaya is or what any of those religions beliefs are. The Drink Tray Depicting the Goddess Yemaya is an item that isn’t used in rituals but still has a very large amount of value and importance. This importance isn’t just for practitioners of Regla de Ocha or other diasporic religious practitioners but also for the way in which non practitioners view the religion. The people who created the tray impacted the United States with a supreme court decision. That decision matters going forward not only legally but also in the way in which the religion is viewed by the public. Did the change in the law change the way in which the religion is viewed by the public of the United States of America and the way other diasporic religions are viewed?

The object was created by Ernesto Pichardo. Ernesto Pichardo is the head priest of the Lukumi Babalu Aye in Hialeah, Florida. The church practices a more “re-Africanized” version of the Cuban diasporic religion, Santeria also known by the name Regla de Ocha. Santeria in Cuba and in most sects in the United States is practiced in a home instead of a dedicated place of worship. Ernesto Pichardo’s “re-Africanized” sect of Regla de Ocha made a physical church instead of keeping worship in the household in an effort to more publicly practice Santeria. The “re-Africanization” of Santeria shows the “reversed diaspora” because it has made the rituals even more similar to the ones found in Yoruban rituals and less blended or hybrid compared to other diasporic religious practices. Paul Christopher Johnson wrote about the way in which diasporic religions all relate to a “memory” of the motherland and this concept of “re-Africanization” is just an extension of this concept and attempts to bring this memory to reality. In 1987 the city of Hialeah, Florida passed a law banning animal sacrifice in the city however made no restrictions on Halal or Kosher butchery. Animal sacrifice is an immensely important feature to the religion. The law was taken to court and eventually it was raised to the supreme court. In 1993 a decision was made the law was overruled in favor of plaintiff Ernesto Pichardo. The decision that the law was unconstitutional was made on the grounds that the law undermined First Amendment guarantees of free practice of religion.

The importance of the ruling is that it did two things, it legitimized Regla De Ocha and it set a precedent for future supreme court cases. The ruling has set in place a clear ruling by the highest court in the land that the right to animal sacrifice is protected under the first amendment. This ruling means a lot not only for just the religion of Regla De Ocha but most other diasporic religions and many other major religions including some sects of Christianity, some sects of Judaism, multiple events call of it in Islam, and it is present in Hinduism as well including many other less known religions where animal sacrifice is important.

The court case legitimized Regla de Ocha as a religion in the United States and showed the public that the people who practice it exist and aren’t some boogeymen practicing dark malicious “magic.” The Supreme Court case gave the religion a very large reason to be mentioned in the news in an accurate and honest manner for the first time when compared to the way Voodoo and other diasporic religions have been portrayed in the media. The way that diasporic religions are being displayed to the public in the correct and accurate way is completely different from the way that they all were put into the same group and viewed the same as a bad “black magic” religion that would do horrible things. The movie White Zombie released in 1932 certainly shows a difference from today with there being so much information available about every diasporic religion and what practitioners actually believe.

However, has the public’s opinion changed? The average citizen of the United State of America has no idea about what Diasporic religions are, what they believe, or where they are from. This is because most American public school systems don’t teach very much about African history. Most high schools teach a few variations of world history, a few variations of American history, and at least one course on European history, however what about other cultures and their history?

The item is used to keep drinks on. The tray is used by practitioners and non practitioners alike due to the tray being an object that is mass produced for utility in daily life. The object isn’t involved in any ritual except for as a potential gift for someone who is practitioner or not. In Regla de Ocha the practice of gift giving is very important. The importance of your birthday is very related to the tradition of gift giving in Santeria. This tray is a great gift for a person’s birthday if they practice Santeria or not. The practice of gift giving in Santeria is also often associated with creating the gifts as opposed to just buying them. The act of making things with elder members of the community is a very important almost ritual like practice that is very important with dealing with family traditions for the way altars are built. What colors, what kind of cloth, what kind of beads “What the “right colors” are is a relatively fuzzy category. The right colors are learned practically in the house among elders and godchildren and in the urban consumer market, with the experience of seeing, selecting, and handling beads and cloth.”(Brown 98)

The object was placed in the exhibit on the wall just past the Yemaya Altar that dominates the room next to the Yemaya ritual dress in the glass case. The placement of the object shows that is it supposed to be a visual aid to help better understand what the goddess is supposed to look like and have some context as to what symbols are important to the deity. In the Exhibit the object is displayed different from the way it would be displayed normally which is due to the lack of the tray which the tiles would normally sit in. This is most likely done to better display the object and to focus on the art rather than on the tray as an object.

The drink tray is a mass produced item which even has a copyright symbol on it. This shows that there are likely many other exact copies of the tray and contrasts from the tradition of things being made from scratch in the Yoruba religion which shows a difference in the religions. However, what this practice of mass produced religious iconography is analogous to the many Judeo-Christian symbols being commonly found on things from cups all the way to placemats. What the mass produced item says about the religion itself is it has been influenced by western thinking and American ideas of mass produced goods displaying the way in which diasporic religions change based on factors around it.

The deity on the tray is Yemaya the goddess of the sea. Her name is spelled Yemoja and Yemaya by the different diasporic religions that worship her. She is considered the protector of women and deals with pregnancy, childbirth, and parenting. In Cuban Santeria and Brazilian Candomble Yemaya is also the protector of the fishermen and is also commonly associated with the queer community. Yemaya’s ritual foods depends on the diasporic religion. In Santeria Yemaya’s ritual food includes Watermelon, cane syrup, and pork rinds compared to her Brazilian Candomble ritual diet which includes milk, rice, flour, and corn. Yemaya’s colors are blue and white in all of the diasporic religions however her sacred number depends on the religion. In Santeria Yemaya’s sacred number is seven compared to in Yoruba where her special number is nine.

Yemaya is deity who generally looks the same and has most of the same kinds of symbols and colors across the many diasporic religions with each having a slight difference similar to the many other Orisha who are present in most if not all of the diasporic religions. Many of the differences are example of how diasporic religions change in response to new stimuli an example of this is Yemaya being a protector of fishermen in Brazil and Cuba two places where the importance of fishing to the local economy is more important than in Nigeria due to geographical factors.

The object’s colors, symbols on it, and use of numbers on the object all reflect different aspects of the goddess Yemaya. The blue color of Yemaya is shaped in a way to make her appear to be almost a part of the wave which shows her being the goddess of the sea. The use of the seven cowrie shells on each side of the border as a design has Yemaya’s number and also shells which come from the sea. Cowrie shells aren’t only important to Yemaya but also to Yoruban tradition “the images extensively discussed during her public discussion was the image of the cowrie shells, a powerful symbol in Yoruba cosmology.”(Otero, Solimar, and Falola 165) The seven small aquatic animals at the bottom of the border of the drink tray and mirrored orange and white fish in the top corners show even more so in depth that Yemaya is the goddess of the sea. The seven starfish on each side represent Yemaya’s number and her relation to the ocean. The watermelon in the border displays one of Yemaya’s foods that are used often times in ritual. Additionally, the border has 7 fish hooks on each side representing Yemaya’s protection of fishermen. The border also contains other maritime symbols associated with Yemaya including ropes, anchors, and a ship’s wheel.

The goddess Yemaya’s colors blue and white are all over the object. The color blue represents the ocean as she is the goddess of the ocean. The color white is the color of cowrie shells which are very a important symbol for Yemaya and come from the oceans in addition the salt from the ocean is white along with many different kinds of fish and sea animals.

The object paints a vivid image depicting Yemaya and her related symbols. If a random individual saw the tray with no description they could easily understand that the woman on the tile is involved with the water in someway. However, the same person likely wouldn’t know who made it or why that person matters. The public’s perception of the religion hasn’t changed because for the most part due to the lack of knowledge of it. This is immensely unfortunate because learning about the Diaspora would provide many people with an appreciation of African arts, stories, and culture. 

Brown, David H. Santeria Aesthetics. Washington And London, Smithsonian Institution Press.

Otero, Solimar, and Toyin Falola. Yemoja: Gender, Sexuality, and Creativity in the Latina/o and Afro-Atlantic Diasporas. Boston: New West Indian Guide, 2014.

Cruz, R. Ted Winter 1994 article 17.1 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Animal Sacrifice and Equal Protection Free Exercise: Church of the Lukumi Babaluaye

Epstein, R. A. (1992, Dec 23). Rule of law: Testing the boundary between church and state. Wall Street Journal

Matory, J L. “Ceramic-Tiled Image of the Afro-Cuban Goddess Yemayá.” Duke University.

Johnson, Paul C. A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism. Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013.

Power Objects Lecture: Charging and Discharging in Afro-Caribbean Religions

On Wednesday October 19th Dr. McAlister, came to lecture on “Charging and Discharging in Afro-Caribbean Religions.” Dr. McAlister who is a professor at Wesleyan University and is an expert in the studies of Haitian Vodou, this is only part of the reason the Dr. McAlister was invited to come to speak in connection with the exhibit though. Dr. McAlister was able to study Vodou power objects over a period of years in a way that not many other researchers do, while she was on a trip to Haiti she accidentally bought a charged object that held the spirits of two zonbi, which she was unaware of until she began her research of the object. This makes her even more relevant to the exhibit at the museum as she is an expert in Haitian Vodou and she was able to bring parts of Vodou that we were not able to see when you look just at an altar in her lecture that she gave.  

In her lecture she spoke first about her article, “A Sorcerer’s Bottle”, which tells the story of how she unknowingly became the owner of these two zonbi. She spoke about the different kinds of spirits and told us the the bottle contained petwo spirits. Petwo spirits are hot, they are very quick and effective, but they are angry. Petwo spirits are most commonly associated with what most people know as “black magic”, those who capture petwo spirits will eventually suffer the consequences as the spirits take a lot of the energy and life force from the person who has trapped them. After explaining to us how the objects are charged, she moved on to how one would go about discharging the objects. She explained how spiritual charges can be transferred, and explained the differences between discharging something and desacralizing. When something is discharged the spirit is liberated desacralizing is when the spirits are transferred into another object so that the original object could be used in a museum for example. Once we had all the background knowledge that we needed, Dr. McAlister showed us a video of the discharging process that she had taken when she brought her bottle back to Haiti to be discharged, being able to watch the process of the spirits being discharged allowed me to better understand dischargement as a process. As well as this, being able to watch this ritual gave me a better understanding into Vodou and the traditions as a whole, especially having to do with the spirits after a person has died in Vodou tradition.

This lecture related directly to our class because only days before had we read her first article, “A Sorcerers Bottle”, this gave those of us who had read the article a better basis to understand her lecture on. This lecture went further connecting to a reading we did written by Professor Abiodun titled “Àṣẹ: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art” goes onto explain African art that we do not normally think of when we think of traditional art, he explains through the article that African and Yoruba art is alive, and while this particular bottle came from Haiti and Vodou which is a diasporic religion based off of Yoruba traditions. This means that Vodou evolved from Yoruba, which means that it carries some of those traditions, in Dr. McAllister’s article her friend when viewing the bottle says, “‘You know, that thing it never stops’ remarked one friend as she spoke absently about something else. Indeed, the bottle moves and swirls in its own way.” (McAlister, 2) this connects the bottle back to it’s Yoruba roots as the bottle seems to be alive and every moving.

McAlister posed many interesting questions throughout her lecture and I wish we had a bit more time to go through and fully watch and discuss the videos from the discharging process a bit more. I would like to ask her what she thought caused the contents of the bottle to ignite like they did during the video of the discharging process.

Abiodun, Rowland. “Àṣẹ: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art.” Journal of Religion in Africa 24, no. 4 (1994): 309-22. doi:10.2307/1581339.

McAlister, Elizabeth. “A Sorcerers Bottle” Sacred Arts of Ancient Vodou (1995): 304-24

Abiodun, Rowland. Yoruba Art and Language: Seeking the African in African Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107239074.

This source was found using JSTOR, a database of digital articles, books, and primary sources centered around academia. The key words “Yoruba” and “art” were used to distinguish the source among others on the database. A specific chapter of the book titled “Ase” was targeted because objects in Yoruba art culture are accepted to be synthesizing the concept of Ase. An excerpt from the chapter details a staff that is strikingly similar to the Opa Osun; the Opa Orere. The staff is a tool of an Ifa priest, held in the right hand vertically and used during professional gatherings to establish Ase in the context of a ceremony. The staff is also noted to have the ability to solve one’s problems by literally and metaphorically implementing Ifa’s orders. It is also mentioned that Ase is transferable to successive staffs that mark the start of a new reign. Upon reading this article, it is learned that staffs in Yoruba culture are potent with Ase.

Professor Abiodun was born in a Nigerian region known as Yorubaland, so Yoruba culture is very personal by his account. A well-studied art historian, his goals in the work are to educate readers on the significance of various sacred objects sourced from Yoruba civilization. His careful consideration of all viewpoints and traditions allows for an accurate description of evidence for information provided in his book. In turn, the source can be regarded as highly relevant.

Drewal, Margaret Thompson, and Henry John Drewal. “An Ifa Diviner’s Shrine in Ijebuland.” African Arts 16, no. 2 (1983): 61-100. doi:10.2307/3335852.

This source was found using CAT Quest, a database containing a collection of UVM library content as well as digital articles and other peer-reviewed resources. For this source, the name of the object itself was used as a search tool. In this journal article, an alternative use of the Opa Osun staff is presented. It is stated that a tale involving Orunmila and the sacrifice of a cock is a centerpiece of the staff’s function. During a particular formal ceremony known as the Itefa ceremony, the babalawo will face osun by sacrificing a cock and placing the individual parts of it on the Osun staff. By mounting parts of the cock on the staff, death is “satisfied” and osun benefits from the nourishment of the cock’s blood. This use of the Opa Osun staff is astonishing because the staff is likened to a weapon of a babalawo to conquer death.

Professor Drewal is well accustomed to West African art, as he apprenticed a sculptor in Nigeria during his time spent there. With an interdisciplinary specialization in African art history, Drewal’s perspective can be seen as accurate due to the fact that he has primary exposure to the topics he discusses, not just a view from afar. Professor Thompson, a ritual performance ethnographer, has also studied ritual performances of West Africa in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. Both professors seem to write with the goal of informing those who are foreign to specific objects and symbols found in an Ifa Diviner’s shrine. The objects found in the shrine are representative of universal concepts in Yoruba art.

Okediji, Moyo. “Art of the Yoruba.” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 23, no. 2 (1997): 165-98. doi:10.2307/4104382.

The source was found using JSTOR, a database of digital articles, books, and primary sources. The key words “art” and “Yoruba” were used to pinpoint the source. In this article, the historical context of art in Yorubaland is explained using a time scale that starts with Kingdom flourishment in Western Africa. The abstract and realist characteristics of Yoruba art are explicitly outlined in the article, and the writing style caters to individuals who are unfamiliar with orisha tradition. This source acts as a term bank for research, as many of the concepts explored in the work such as the bird motif are relevant to the Opa Osun.

Professor Okediji studied fine arts of the University of Ife, as well as the University of Benin. He has shadowed several African artists working in the creation of sacred Yoruba sculpture and design. These accolades partnered with his teaching experience in Nigeria make his work appropriate to apply to research findings. He acknowledges that the audience he is writing to is relatively new to the concept of Yoruba art, so he is careful with his use of terminology without proper explanation. Direct contact with the content he describes creates an insightful article for readers to learn about the complexity of West African art.

Jamie Bottino

McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Ezili.” In Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn, 219-58. University of California Press, 2010.

This book was found through articles on JSTOR. The title was mentioned in many of the articles I found on Ezili Dantò. I read the chapter on the three Ezilis, focusing on the section about Ezili Dantò. The main idea of the section on Ezili Dantò was that above all else she is a mother. She is a healer, a protector, and a warrior. The chapter had stories about what the Vodou priestess Mama Lola and her family have experienced with Ezili Dantò. Altars for the goddess usually have money, clothes, and dolls on them and none of the items are ever used by anyone in the family. The chapter gave background on the goddess and what she stands for. Ezili Dantò fought in the Haitian slave revolution alongside her children (the Haitian slaves) and during the revolution she was wounded ending up with two parallel, vertical scars on one of her cheeks. Ezili Dantò also cannot speak because during the revolution her people believed that she wouldn’t keep their secrets so they cut out her tongue. The chapter stressed the fact that Ezili Dantò is a mother, she is always depicted with a child and she will drop everything to help her children in times of trouble. These characteristics are extremely helpful in teaching me about who Ezili Dantò is and what represents her.

The author herself does not show much bias in her writing. The book is more of a first person narrative about the experiences she had with Mama Lola and what she learned from her. McCarthy Brown’s purpose in her writing is to educate through the voices of those who practice Vodou. She doesn’t actually argue anything due to the writing style but the emphasis on Ezili Dantò being a mother above all else is clear.

Daniels, Kyrah Malika. “The Undressing of Two Sacred Healing Bundles: Curative Arts in the Black Atlantic in Haiti and Ancient Kongo.”Journal of Africana Religions 1, no. 3(2013):416-429.

I found this source while looking through articles on JSTOR. I found the name Kyrah Malika Daniels repeated and looked her up and found a research paper she did on Haitian pakèt kongos on Project Muse. In this article she talks about how pakèt kongos are used for healing and how problems like a broken leg aren’t just treated as physical, but as spiritual too. There is a belief that whatever ails the patient is both a physical or mental and spiritual problem and the patient may have fallen out of sync or that there is an imbalance in the cosmos. A pakèt kongo follows a basic shape with an orb at the bottom and a stem coming out of the orb. The orb contains soil from a graveyard, essentially trapping a disembodied spirit within it. The fabric wrappings on a pakèt kongo are not just to keep the soil from getting out but also to keep the spirit in so that the pakèt kongo will work for ritual healing.

The author’s goal with this article is to educate on the pakèt kongo and how it is used in Haitian Vodou. She talks about her own experience with it but also about research she did on it. There is no bias in this article, mostly because it is not an opinion piece and mostly consists of facts and research. The author is a practitioner of Haitian Vodou so may be biased in terms of how she talks about the pakèt kongo but it is not very prevalent in the article. The information in the article is extremely relevant to me and will help a lot with my analysis of the object.

McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Afro-Caribbean Spirituality: A Haitian Case Study.” In Vodou in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, 1-25.

This article was one of the class readings. The author talks about the basic beliefs in Haitian Vodou. She goes into detail about their ideas and beliefs on healing and personhood. She talks about spirit possession and goes over some of the details of Haitian cosmology.

The goal of this article is to go over the basics of Haitian Vodou while not leaving out any of the most important details. There is no central focus on one idea in Vodou, it’s more of an overview of the religion. This article is helpful to me because it gives a lot of information on personhood, healing, and other aspects of Vodou that I need to know about in order to write my object analysis.

Ayorinde, Christine. 2004. “Santería in Cuba: Tradition and Transformation.” In The Yoruba 

Diaspora in the Atlantic World edited by Toyin Falola and Matt D. Childs, pp. 209-225.

Indiana University Press, 2004.

This source was suggested to me by Professor Brennan after reviewing what I had so far. The chapter is split into sections discussing different aspects of the Santeria religion in Cuba. It starts with an introduction into who is worshipped and basically how the religion works. Then Ayorinde goes into more detail into how the practitioners show their worship and what objects and songs come from/resemble certain gods. This section was very useful in determining the purpose and symbolism of the Thunderstone. The author then goes into topics like: communication with the gods, Yoruba subgroups, how slave trade affected the religion, and how the religion is passed down through the generations.

The authors perspective in this chapter seems to be very impartial, and only informative. The goal seems to be to teach people about the transformation of the Yoruba religion through the years. I don’t see any real bias throughout the reading, all the information seems to be from the perspective of a very devout practitioner.

Castillo, Daisy R., and Mederos, Aníbal A. 2007. “Lo femenino y lo masculino en la Regla

Congo o Palo Monte”. In Afro-Hispanic Review, Vol. 26, No. 1, African Religions in the New World, pp. 151-157. William Luis, 2007. http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/23055254.pdf?refreqid=excelsior%3A4746fbd7dea826834c3b56455f085daa.

I found this citation on JSTOR using the keywords “Regla de Ocha” and “Chango”. The general purpose of this article is to talk about the masculinity and femininity in the religious expression of the Regla Congo(hence the title). More specifically it discusses this in terms of the slave trade and how both masculinity and femininity has changed through it. In talking about this change, the article goes into beliefs and practices of the Regla Congo. This section gets to the heart of what gender means to the religion, and how gender is dependent on what the object means to the religion. Although this does not directly relate to the Thunderstone that I am studying, gender plays a major part in both the Diasporic religions, and in Chango.

Because the text is in Spanish, and I can translate it, but not fluently read, the tone and perspective of the author is a little unclear. With this, I found the perspective of the author to be similar to other works we have read. Their goals seem to be solely to inform people about the Regla Congo. For talking about sex a lot, there seemed to be little bias in this article. It did not seem to favor men or women over each other, and got the information across.  

Lawuyi, Olatunde B. 1988. “Ogun: Diffusion across Boundaries and Identity Constructions.”

African Studies Review Vol. 31, No. 2 (Sep., 1988):pp.127-139, http://www.jstor.org/stable/524422?Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=((thunderstone)&searchText=AND&searchText=(shango))&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3D%2528%2528thunderstone%2529%2BAND%2B%2528shango%2529%2529&refreqid=search%3A8cc1dc2eadc54a0d174b8cc014501bfb&seq=10#page_scan_tab_contents.

I found this article on JSTOR by searching “Shango” and “Thunderstone”. This article is focused on Ogun’s role in the Yoruba Religion, and how the god is a structure in the religion. He does this by discussing the idea of Ogun and what realities his conceptions deal with. It then discusses how all the different variations Yoruba religion all connect to the idea of Ogun. Also, who worshipped Ogun along with where those people worshipped him connected back to the main idea of the structure of Ogun to the Yoruba religion. Throughout the article, it compared Ogun with Chango, which includes the symbolism of both Chango and the Thunderstone.

This article seems very scholarly because it explains the purpose of the journal before talking about anything else. The perspective seems to that of most articles I have found, and that means that I do not see much bias. The information seems to be from an inside perspective of the religion which talks more about what the religion means to the people rather than what the religion is made up of. Even though the intended audience is unclear to me, it seems to present the information in similar ways as previous articles.

Griffith, Paul. “Chapter 4.” Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora; Archetypes of Transition, books.google.com/books?id=2vSeDQAAQBAJ&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120&dq=nana+dancing+ritual&source=bl&ots=xltfBHktua&sig=DeIgzk2bSVpcwNpYwo5z_66sv24&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiio7iM5oTXAhXEYiYKHRNKD4YQ6AEINjAF#v=onepage&q=nana%20dancing%20ritual&f=false.

Art and Ritual in the Black Diaspora; Archetypes of Transition
Paul Griffith

I found this source on google professor, using the keywords Nanã and Ritual Practices
The author of this book discusses in Chapter 4; Page 120 of the ritualistic style of the dance practiced in the worship of Nana, as Tidlectics, styles of dances having to do with the ocean, or swaying motions parallel to the actions of the waves of the ocean. Also, the author describes the dance as having a “sweeping motion” to it, which enforces the use of the Ibiri wand, the specific tool to the Orisha Nanã, as it is considered amongst many as a broom of sorts, used to sweep away pestilence, and disease.

The author gave me a unique, fresh perspective on the style of dancing used to honor the Orisha, as the Tidalectic style of dancing, was foreign at first, but became sensible considering Nanã is associated heavily with the ocean, and having a swaying, almost sweeping motion used during her ritualistic dances.

Sansi, Roger. “4.” Fetishes and Monuments: Afro-Brazilian Art and Culture in the Twentieth Century, Berghahn, 2010.
Roger Roca-Sansi: Fetishes and Monuments: Afro Brazilian Art and

Professor Brennan recommended this book to me; during our initial object analysis
The Author of this book, Roger Sansi, discusses in Chapter 4, the transition in Candomble and other Afro-Brazilian religions, from the perspective of religious objects as weapons, to Crown Jewels of museums. This is another fresh perspective on religious and museological objects, having a malicious aspect to them, when used in their appropriate cultural mythology and legends.The Ibiri, the object most identified with the Orisha Nanã Buruku, was also perceived as a dangerous weapon when used against men, and people whom the Orisha had ill intent towards. This source provides an additional aspect to view the Ibiri, not just as an object used in rituals to further align oneself with Nanã Buruku, but also potentially used by individuals with an intent that isn’t so loving nd nurturing, as the Orisha herself is often seen as.

Thompson, Robert Farris. “Chapter 1: Black Saints Go Marching in .” Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy, Random House, 1983, pp. 68–72.

Robert Farris Thompson

This source was ultimately found in our textbook, as Nanã Buruku has a section devoted to her history, life on Earth, and the history, use and life of the Ibiri wand, the object I will be researching within this project.
Our textbook, discusses the history of the Ibiri, explaining that Nanã has possessed the wand from the beginning of her life, and after Nanã was born, the staff was cut from the placenta, and put inside the Earth. As Nanã grew in size and age, the staff did as well, beneath the Earth. Nanã, went to war with the Teju-ade, and her son dug up the staff, and thus the staff became the highly worshipped object contained in the essence of the Orisha herself, essentially. This is an extremely valuable source, as it offers the most in depth and specific history of the Ibiri I have found thus far. Also, it offers the lives of both the Orisha, and the object as they both grew from birth, into maturity, and ultimately, into the legends told about Nanã Buruku and the Ibiri in Afro-Brazilian mythology.

Michael Sofio

Epstein, R. A. (1992, Dec 23). Rule of law: Testing the boundary between church and state. Wall Street Journal

I found this article on CATQuest while using the keywords “animal sacrifice” and “supreme court.” The article highlights the 1987 supreme court ruling in favor of the Santeria practitioners.

The Author compares the case to two other supreme court rulings that are related to a religious body’s legal rights. The first of those cases was that in California and was about a deaf student receiving tax dollars and that spending them on a religious institution was illegal and that decision was eventually overturned. The second case was about a school in New York showing a religious movie after school being shown and the school being a government entity establishing a religion by showing the movie. The case was also overturned. These cases that are of similar type to the case regarding animal cruelty shows the logic behind the law and why case decisions were made.

Cruz, R. Ted Winter 1994 article 17.1 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy Animal Sacrifice and Equal Protection Free Exercise: Church of the Lukumi Babaluaye

I found this article on Academic Search Premier while searching with the keywords “animal sacrifice” and “supreme court ruling.” The article drew my attention because it was in English, on the topic of animal sacrifice, and the author had a familiar name. the article was about the 1987 Supreme Court ruling. The artlicle breaks down the arguments on both sides and shows the evidence both posses. the article also possesses transcripts from the actual courtroom.

The Author doesn’t speak about his opinion on the ruling. However, Ted Cruz does generally take the side of any religious group especially if they are facing legal scrutiny. However, Senator Ted Cruz is a very conservative individual who is very Christian which generally would make me think he my not have a lot of knowledge of the Diasporic religions. However, Ted Cruz has Cuba heritage which makes me think he may know more about the religions that the class is studying than most people or is at least familiar with the concepts at hand in the court case.

Otero, Solimar, and Toyin Falola. Yemoja: Gender, Sexuality, and Creativity in the Latina/o and Afro-Atlantic Diasporas. Boston: New West Indian Guide, 2014.

Doctor Brennan suggested this book to me. The book is a catalog of information about the goddess Yemoja. The book first started in 2002 by the two authors to produce a volume that reflects an interest in exploring the international Yoruba deity Yemoja. The book highlights Yemoja in the many different nations and the differences between them. The book also speaks about understanding the aspects of race, gender, and sexuality that come with the goddess and how it is relevant to understanding not just the religion but also the culture. The book also explains the practices of worship of Yemoja and how they are important.

The Authors of the book wrote this book as a part of a series on the other deities that are very important in Yoruba culture including Shango, Ogun, and Osun. This book differs in that it is about Yemaya.

Scarlet Shifflett

Clark  Mary, Asho Orisha (Clothing of the Orisha): Material Culture as Religious Expression in Santeria. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1999.

I found this book through google scholar when I searched “Cuban Santeria altars”. I Decided to use this source after reading the abstract and finding it relative to my topic.

This book contains many chapters, the ones I am interested in using are chapters three and four. Chapter three talks about birthday altars and how each altar is set up for the different Orisha. It also discusses why certain objects are important to an altar. Chapter four gives the significance of objects in terms of the Orisha and talks about the specific object to the Orisha it pertains. The objects present on an altar represent the Orisha’s life while also telling a story about the life of the person who created the altar.

The author has a scholarly point of view that is from someone on the outside looking in. This kind of perspective is useful when trying to learn about a broader subject, like altars, but is not very useful when trying to understand details, like Oya altars. The goal of the author is to inform the reading on the subjects of Cuban Santeria altars and the importance objects have on the altar. While this source will not help me with the details of my writing it will be useful to understand the main idea of my research, why altars are important when worshipping Orisha.

Gleason Judith, Oya in the company of saints. United States of America: Oxford University Press, 2000.

I found this article through the UVM library search. I used the key word “Oya” in the ATLA article database.  and this article was one of the first resources that was the most relevant to my topic. This article was available through a secondary source from the UVM library search database.

This article discusses the Orisha Oya, what is associated with Oya, change and storms,  along with her history, Oya was the favorite wife of Shango, another Orisha. A lot of important information about Oya is written in this text, allowing the reader to get a better understanding of why and how someone would worship the Orisha. While the altar concept is not so much talked about this article will still be useful because it allows me to learn more about the key part of the altar I am studying, Oya.

The writer’s perspective is that of someone telling a story about how they learned about a topic. The writer talks in first person and discusses how she went to Cuba to discover more on the Orisha. The writer’s goal is to inform readers of the goddess Oya and what her role is among other Orisha. I found the perspective of this article helpful in understanding the information given because it felt like I was learning at the same pace as the writer.

Mary, Clark, Orisha Worship Communities: A Reconsideration of Organisational Structure. United States of America: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2011.

I found this article through the ATLA database by searching “Orisha” I had to scroll through multiple other articles before coming to this specific one. I chose this article because it was from the same author as another one of my sources that I found helpful and because it contained a section on Santeria.

This article discusses the idea behind the birthday alatar. Clark goes into detail about what a birthday altar is and how a priest would know which Orisha to honor in their altar. An important detail in this section that directly relates to my topic was tureens on an altar. Clark stated that the tureens are kept closed with objects that embody the orisha. This statement was able to answer a key question in my research statement. Other topics discussed in the article related back to the priests who have birthday altars and how they are initiated.

Clark had a scholarly perspective in this article which is the same point of view she had in the first article I used. The goal of this piece of writing is to inform the reader on how a priest gets initiated and what that has to do with their birthday altar. While my object is not directly related to this article it was helpful in answering a key question I had that I was not able to find an answer to anywhere else.