On the evening of Tuesday, November 28th, I attended a lecture by Paul C. Johnson, scholar and professor in the departments of History, Afro-american and African studies at the University of Michigan. Johnson has published a number of books and articles within several fields of study: theories of religion, ethnography, history of the study of religion, religion and race, and the modern history of Brazil. The title of the exhibit at the Fleming Museum, Spirited Things, is borrowed from Johnson’s book by the same name. Johnson’s lecture focused mainly on his studies involving Brazilian Candomble and the concept of spirit possession. He discussed the materiality of spirit possession, and how it related to gender.

In Brazilian Candomble (and many diasporic religions), spirit possession is a common way for gods and spirits (orisha) to take form in the world of the mortals by occupying a human body as a vessel. Johnson stated in his talk that typically, women are most likely to be possessed. This is due to their “cool” nature. Gender in Candomble is quite complex, as traditional gender roles are replaced with the ideas of “hot” and “cool.” Johnson described the “cool” as even-tempered, tranquil, and empathetic. In class, one of our readings was an except from Johnson’s book, Secrets, Gossip, and Gods: The Transformation of Brazilian Candomble. In it, he discusses the relationship between traditional gender and “hot” and “cool”: “Women are cool, reproductive, and contained” (Johnson). I understand that this description of women is contextualized within the content of his lecture, but I couldn’t help but feel uncomfortable with the way Johnson described women both in his lecture and in his book. He kept using words such as calm, tranquil, and empathetic, citing these traits as reasons why women were more likely to be possessed by spirits. These were all arguably good traits, but something about the way he grouped all women into this group made me a little angry.

The generalization of women’s characteristics bothered me, but I was conflicted–did I have a right to feel this way? Was it disrespectful of me to feel uncomfortable with the way Johnson was describing someone else’s culture–one that I knew so little about? In class, we have spent a fair amount of time discussing the methods of translation from diasporic religions to Western culture. We came to a consensus with the idea that a lot of important concepts get lost and/or misinterpreted when being translated from such complex religions–primarily because 1) they are so fundamentally different from Western religions and 2) it’s extremely difficult to convey the meaning of certain concepts when they simply don’t exist in the world we are familiar with. As I was listening to Johnson’s lecture (and later on, reading an excerpt from his book), I felt skeptical and uncomfortable with what Johnson was saying. Mid-thought, I remembered this discussion and tried to think about what Johnson was implying with a more contextualized perspective. It’s possible that I did have a reason to be uncomfortable, but I couldn’t ignore the fact that maybe there was something more–something untranslatable from culture to culture that validated Johnson’s statements and rectified the discomfort I was feeling.

It’s clear that at some level, there is a disconnect between these two cultures. It’s an interesting barrier that I hope to see broken down one day–possibly with the normalization of and further education on diasporic religions in the West. 

Noah Stommel

On Wednesday evening, Donald J. Cosentino spoke at the Fleming Museum in a lecture titled “Why Did Gede Let This Happen? Catastrophe and Theodicy in 21^st Century Haitian Vodou.” I believe he was invited to speak at the exhibit because of his experience writing and teaching on topics associated with African-diasporic religions, particularly Vodou, also commonly known as voodoo. As Professor of Culture and Performace at UCLA, he has written distinctive research articles on Vodou, such as “Vodou Things: The Art of Pierrot Barra and Marie Cassaise” (UCLA African Studies Center). His expertise in the field of Vodou was especially relevant to the Fleming exhibit because of the Haitian Vodou altar that was a key part of it.

One of the most prevalent themes of Cosentino’s lecture was that of theodicy in Vodou and the greater Haitian culture. Since the beginning of its history as a French colony, Haiti has always been plagued by suffering and inequalities. Ever since gaining independence of brutal slavery in 1804, Haiti has been the setting of endless catastrophe, most recently in the form of the 2010 earthquake that killed an estimated 250,000 people, followed by a subsequent cholera epidemic. Other social and ecological disasters, such as riots, hurricanes, and devastating flooding have desolated the island nation. Theodicy’s relevance is seen in that despite the destitution of Haiti, Haitians still find it within themselves to praise God, uttering a saying translating to “God is good”. Cosentino explained throughout his lecture how Haitian tradition explains the absence of God in its times of desperation, and how Haitians come to terms with their misfortune through spiritual understanding.

Haiti is an interesting place, Cosentino explained, due to the heavy mixing of religious values. He described Haitian religious demographics as being 80% Catholic, 20% Protestant, and 100% Vodou. Christian saints, brought to Haiti by French colonists, have evolved into Vodou spirits, otherwise known as Lwa. This pertains to topics we discussed in class such as that of creolization, which “has most often referred to cultures formed through and in colonial situations blending, for example, European languages and practices with … African ones” (Johnson 759). The concept of creolization gives me a stronger understanding of how Haitian Vodou incorporates themes in its religion closely pertaining to those of Christianity. These Lwa who embody Christian saints, and notably Gede, the manifestation of those who died in the Middle Passage during the slave trade, are highly relevant when discussing the commonplace suffering that strikes Haiti.

Cosentino discussed Gede’s role in Haiti’s devastating earthquake of 2010. According to Cosentino, Haitians believe that Gede himself was afraid of the earthquake and fled the Earth. As the spirit of the dead, he only returned once most of the victims had been hastily buried. In a place so influenced by death and destruction, religious practitioners emphasize

“the key role of the community in the interpretation and application of the wisdom of the spirits. Thus, the public airing of community problems and issues… is a means of … mobilizing the assistance of the community, and mending broken relationships. It is, in short, a way of healing” (McCarthy Brown 14).

I have come to understand that Haitian Vodou practitioners do not make excuses for the absence of the Lwa in their struggles, but rather find meaning for their absence through religious values and community acceptance. Cosentino brought to my attention the value of Haitian art in this way of thinking as well. What Cosentino called “the art of desperation” helps Haitians to embrace adversity from a philosophical standpoint, and also to understand the role of the Lwa in their lives. I learned from Cosentino that this art, which the religion has become known for (although not for necessarily appropriate reasons), is heavily influential not only in religious life, but the daily lives of people engulfed by tumult on the island.

I also noticed how Cosentino compared the explanation for the absence of Gede during the earthquake to the absence of God in other catastrophes, such as the Holocaust. Now that I think of it, I would be interested in asking Cosentino what other parallels he can draw between Vodou and greater Haitian culture to other events in our world. This would be a valuable question because I think all religions try to attribute events on Earth to actions or lack thereof of higher beings.

Bibliography

Johnson, Paul C. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook of the Study of Religion, edited by Michael Stausberg and Steve Engler, 759. Oxford: Oxford           University Press, 2016.

McCarthy Brown, Karen. “Afro-Caribbean Spirituality: A Haitian Case Study.” In Vodou            in Haitian Life and Culture: Invisible Powers, edited by Claudine Michel and   Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, N.p.: Palgrave Macmillann.d.

University of California Los Angeles African Studies Center. Accessed October 26,           2017. http://www.international.ucla.edu/africa/person/167.

Alyssa Falco

I had the pleasure of attending Donald Cosentino lecture, “Why do the Gods let this happen? Vodou in the 21st century”. Donald Cosentino is a professor at the University of California-Los Angeles in World Arts and Cultures. Therefore, he is a professional in his field. He does a lot of his research focusing on the middle passage. He has a great love for the arts and for people who make the arts. He was the Co-editor for the Journal of African Arts. Professor Cosentino finds his love in the Haitian Vodou religion. He has studied for a number of years and finds a passion in this, therefore, he is the perfect man to talk about such a different religion. The Haitian vodou altar is one that is found in the exhibition and one that is very colorful and full of flags which was a big topic of discussion for Professor. Therefore, again making him a great choice to discuss this religion.

Throughout the lecture he talked about the arts and how and why Haiti is still a country today. He refers to the gods as well and how their attitudes and their characteristics reflect on what kind of art may be developed based in them. He used flags to symbolize or show important historical events. He used the middle passage as the reason why Haiti is the way it is today. His main point was to help us understand that even through all the hardships Haiti had, the artwork and the haitian vodou religion never faded. He says this quote to conclude; “ugly but we’re here.” This meaning that even though bad things happen and that may be the gods doing, they never go away, for the good or the bad. They are simply always present. Professor Cosentino finds this idea very powerful. The art is not only art but it tells a story, historical stories as well, not just myths. He realizes that a whole country was build on something so awful. Slavery was a horrible thing, but without it, would Haiti be where they are today?

Professor Cosentino talks a lot about the arts and history, in our class we talk about the art of different religions and how it relates to the altar that it may sit on. What we also talk about is how the world has made these religions, especially the haitian vodou religion, into something that it’s not. The art in the haitian religion has its own story. It tells the hardships of what the religion may have gone through. There was a piece he showed called Danbala La Flambeau. This was of a god who was once recognized as an old and wise god to now being known as the flaming god. Showing that because of events like the hurricane in 2010 that destroyed Haiti, the perspective on these gods may change. Thus changing, their story or their culture and how they perceive the gods all together. Making art and its meaning something that is extremely important in the fact that it will will also tell outsiders about their religion and it may give them an idea about that religion without knowing the whole story, thus the media is given this information and alters it into thinking that maybe the vodou religion isn’t a good one but in reality, they have been through hell and back and are expressing that through their art. During the talk he mentioned a little bit about other religions and how they may have some certain aspects that are also a part of the haitian religion as well, which goes back to the idea of hybridity. That this religion isn’t pure, that no religion is pure. It will never be just catholicism or just judaism just like it will never be haitian vodism.

The talk overall was informative. It was hard to look at the religion in a scholar point of view. However, it brought up some clear points and made those connections to better allow me to better understand the class aspects. It brought up more examples of hybridity and of the altars and the religion as a whole. I do think it was worth going to have an artistic take on the haitian religion. I feel as though I was looking for more of a zombie comparison and a little bit more detail about the religion and less about Haiti’s history. If that was the one thing I could change, it would be that. Personally art isn’t something I desperately enjoy, however, the way he connected the art to the history and then to the gods themselves was easier and more pleasing for myself to understand.

In Sacred Journeys: Oṣun-Oṣogbo the Nigerian festival is shown in its modern context, as a pilgrimage, of sorts, for not only peoples from around Nigeria (and surrounding countries) but also for those hailing from the New World. You may ask yourself, “What the heck is Oṣun-Oṣogbo?” Let me tell you. Oṣun-Oṣogbo (O-shoon O-shog-bo) is an annual festival taking place in Nigeria, along the banks of the Oṣun River. Oṣun is actually an Oriṣa, a Goddess of sorts; rivers, fertility and motherhood are her domain. The festival celebrates the people’s gratitude for her and honors her, as she is a chief deity in the Yoruba pantheon. Throughout the episode we follow a handful of Americans who have come to Africa for the festival and be apart of this ancient ceremony that speaks to their spiritual selves. That being said, whoever directed this series did so in such an unimpressive way. It is more than possible that my expectations of the film were nowhere near the goals of the filming crew and writers of PBS- Sacred Journeys. I am definitely not a screenwriter, however I feel that if you are trying to make a tv show about religion, conveying the power practitioners feel is crucial. My main schtick is that throughout my time spent watching this I saw oriṣa worshipers with such fervor and energy and Bruce Fieler(PBS’ on-screen narrator) approached it in a bland way; calm narration, off cue music (ominous in mundane situations, light in more powerful ones), and a general isolation almost between the program and what oriṣa worship was really trying to get at. I feel like the enthusiasm and energy, especially surrounding Oṣun-Oṣogbo, is so key to oriṣa worship, and PBS fell a little flat in trying to capture it.

Religious mixture is very much present in Yoruba tradition. Nigeria in particular is religiously divided between Islam, Christianity, and Oriṣa Worship. Bruce Fieler states, in the film, that a big draw towards the christian church in Nigeria is the sense of community and connections the church gives to worshipers. Apparently the Christian church even goes as far as to promise jobs to those who convert to the faith. In response to this, some oriṣa worshipers have begun to try and build a sense of community within their own practice, to keep followers from leaving their ranks. This is not necessarily hybridity or ‘religious mixing,’ I would say it’s more of an evolutionary process. One faith takes ideas from another faith and grows because of it. I am willing to bet Nigerian Christians take ideas or components from Yoruba tradition, though I do not know for sure.

This evolutionary process extends to the Americas as a mixing of American culture and Yoruba tradition. Paul Johnson has some interesting thoughts on Transculturation (the phenomenon of confluencing cultures) in his book The Study of Religion. “Transculturation nuanced acculturation by insisting that even cultural losses, and the responses to loss, continued to inform the experience of a new territory and generate new practices both among the colonized and the colonizers.”(Johnson 759). Nathaniel Styles goes on to say oriṣa worship is not just ritual practices, it is a way of life. There is an entire culture surrounding oriṣa worship that fosters communities in the United States. It is a way of life that has survived diaspora, slavery, discrimination and many other challenges throughout time. Due to the adversity Yoruba peoples in the New World went through, the Yoruba culture in the United States must be fairly different than the relatively consistent culture of “Yorubaland” (Nigeria). I think it would be pretty interesting if Bruce Fieler and the PBS team interviewed Alathia Stewart and Oni Yipiay-Henton (the two young women undergoing the priestess initiation rites for the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival in the film) asking them to compare/contrast the oriṣa tradition they grew up practicing, to the oriṣa tradition they were experiencing in Nigeria. This film leaves me with more questions than answers, does the influx of Americans influence the practices of Nigerians? How far have New World traditions deviated from those of old? Does oriṣa practice here in the States reach the same level of intensity witnessed in Lagos? Or are things more subdued due to the influences of christianity and slavery? Food for thought…

Jack Bechtold

Altars of the Black Atlantic

9-22-17

Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival and the Effect of Slavery on the Yoruba Religion

After watching Sacred Journeys with Bruce Feiler one can clearly see how the Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival, and Orisha as a religion itself, is a product of cultural and religious mixing. The roots of Orisha seem to have stayed the same since the beginning, yet all other aspects such as their individual Gods and Goddesses seem to be in constant motion of what is right for the time and place.

The religious mixing was especially clear when reading Thompsons piece “The Concept Altar”. The essay showed how the Africans used their environment and the religions around them to reinforce their own beliefs. At one point in Thompsons book he talks about the fundamentals of the Afro-Atlantic altar – “the fundamentals of the Afro-Atlantic altar are additive, eclectic, non exclusive.”  (source).  This could not be more true. While slaves, Africans used statues of Christian saints as altars. They didn’t use just any random statue. Worshipers used statues of saints who showed the same strengths as the Orisha they worshiped.

The two American women’s journey to become priestess’s was a great demonstration of the religious mixing because even though they have been separated and forbidden from their religion for hundreds of years, their people managed to endure the prosecution of other religions such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam by imbibing the differences and celebrating the similarities. A priest in the movie said something to the effect of ‘we are all worshiping the same one God we just have different ways of doing it’. The belief or idea that all of the monotheistic religions of the world are focused on one true god is thought provoking. The different Orisha are simply different characteristics of the one true God. You pray to the specific aspect of god that you need help from. Orisha seems like a very similar form of meditation or communication as Christians practice of speaking to God himself – prayer. Let us say you need help with conception, for example, in the Christian religion you would go to God, or specifically St. Gerard Majella. The same goes for Orisha. If you were having trouble with conception you would have an altar of the Orisha Oshun.

This is a product of the cultural mixing that has been going on since the beginning of time. The Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival is a great example of the cultural mixing that was a byproduct of the slave trade because people travel from all over the globe to be part of the festival.  The only reason that the festival is as big on a global scale as it is is due to the Africans sold as slaves with those of other religious descent. Overall I am in awe at how historical events have caused such a dramatic change in a religion. I wish we could see what would have happened if there was no African Diaspora. Would Orisha still be one of the ten largest religions in the world? We may never know.

The African diaspora is a religion composed of multiple religions and was stripped from its roots during the slave trade. Communities were forced out of their homeland and shipped all over the Americas. The forceful movement of these people stripped individuals of their origins and identity. Two young American women traveled to Oṣogbo to be initiated as priestesses to the goddess Oṣun. Their journey to Oṣogbo brought to life their heritage, “I actually consider myself to be an American African because it wasn’t by choice. So much of our knowledge was taken away, so much of our religious faith was taken away, our names were taken away. We were blank canvases and there is no power in not knowing who you are or not knowing where you come from. This journey, coming back here, means that I’m taking back that power, that I’m taking back that identity and I’m walking in that. I’m walking in who I am” (Eaton). Practitioners of the African diaspora religion tend to focus on the positives of their movement and think in an optimistic view for finding their origin. They find positivity in traveling to Oṣogbo, they notice that their religion and culture has managed to spread all over the world and they still manage to find their way back to their origin.

Oṣogbo is the largest city in Nigeria and is the heart of the African diaspora religion. It is known as Yoruba land and brings thousands of pilgrims every August to the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival. This festival is in honor of Oṣun who is the African goddess of beauty, love, prosperity, order, and fertility. Worshipers of the Yoruba religion and tourists pack the streets of Oṣogbo learning and joining in on traditions of the African diaspora.

The festival begins with the welcoming of local Orisha. Orisha are spirits that reflect the supreme divinity. Each person practicing the Yoruba religion have their own personal Orisha that they worship. Worshiping one’s Orisha is done with personal offerings and an altar devoted to their spirit. “Her devotion placed her body in spiritual affinity with the ancient image of a woman kneeling before an altar like circle in the area of ancient Djenne, an image dated to the Middle Ages” (Thompson). Prayer and worship to your individual Orisha are very important in the African diaspora religion. Personal altars serve as a divine hope for those who pray to them. Each personal altar is expressed with offerings, dedication, and sacrifice.

As a community, the lighting of an ancient lamp represents the welcoming of Oṣun in the Yoruba kingdom. A significant part of the lighting ceremony is when the King and other political leaders come together to dance around the fire to welcome Oṣun. The presence of the King and political leaders represents the union between political powers and spiritual powers. The significance of the dance around the fire has to do with the importance of dance in the Yoruba religion. Music and dance is a major component in the African diaspora. It is not only an artistic expression but a way to praise the spirits. In the lighting ceremony at the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival, royalty dance around the fire to represent the union between political powers and spiritual powers.

Privately, priests come together in a sacred ceremony to bless new priests. These newly blessed individuals are asked to give their hair to their Orisha as a way to symbolize all the negative powers leaving and the new growth to be positive and blessed. The Ifá, which is the scripture of the Yoruba people, contains the history, practices, beliefs, and traditions written. Priests foretell the future using the Ifá allowing individuals like the new priests to rewrite their story and pray for the things that they want.

An important site of worship in Oṣogbo is Oṣun’s sacred grove. Many shrines are placed here and it contains the sacred river where many sacrifices are made to Oṣun. A tradition of the African Diaspora religion is to worship history. At Oṣun’s sacred grove in Oṣogbo, Nigeria, it is the origin of Oṣun’s power. This is why during the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival this grove is the spotlight of worship. Another part of history they worship is their past kings. The ceremony of the crowns involves the crowns of the past 18 kings that have ruled Oṣogbo. Each is blessed by the community and by Oṣun.

An important component of the African diaspora religion is clothing fabrics. It is believed that the patterns and colors of one’s clothes are associated with your Orisha. Those who take part in making the clothing, like those who make indigo clothing, are seen as Oṣun’s disciples. All these traditions give the African diaspora community a sense of engagement in their beliefs. Simple objects like prayer bells bring traditions to life and allow the worshipers to connect with their Orisha. Humans and Orishas are meant to be connected and the Orisha’s goal is to help reinforce humanity’s role that humans and animals thrive and survive.

In all, the African diaspora religion has many traditions and customs. These traditions and customs include a variety of aspects of the gathering of thousands of pilgrims to celebrate the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival which includes the custom of the King and other political figureheads dancing around the fire at the lighting ceremony. Even the clothing fabrics individuals wear have specific patterns and color that indicate their association with their Orisha. These traditions and customs, and the extent to which worshipers follow and practice them indicate how strongly the religion has survived and thrived since its’ slavery times in which the African diaspora religion was stripped of its’ roots.

Eaton, Leo, and Bruce Feiler. “Osun-Osogobo.” University of Vermont Libraries, Kanopy, 2014

Thompson, Robert Farris. Face of the Gods Art and Altars of African and the African Americas. The Museum for African Art, 1993.

-Louisa D’Amico

The film Sacred Journeys with Bruce Feiler: “Oṣun-Oṣogbo” shares with us the festival of Oṣun-Oṣogbo, and all of its extraordinary features. The work uses the perspective of both scholars and practitioners to show us what literally and spiritually happens during this event. The festival is a celebration of the Oṣun, the goddess of beauty, love and fertility. It began with the first Yoruba King swearing to protect and honor Oṣun’s grove, and in return Oṣun would bless the all that kept it safe. Now, it is a great gathering of all who follow this indigenous African faith from all around the world to renew this ancient vow.

The African Diaspora is a religion that began in Africa, but has spread throughout the world. Each movement has changed how the original religion is practiced while keeping the same idea. The first reason that this festival is an example of African Diaspora, is because the people who take part in the ceremony come from many different parts of the world. A large portion of non-native folk that attend are from the Americas. This is mostly because the slave trade that took place between the 1500’s and 1800’s brought many of the Yoruba into the Americas. Once in the “New World”, the slaves were prohibited from following any religion from Africa. To get around this rule they, “managed to establish altars to their dead even while blending with the Christian world: they coded their burial mounds as ‘graves’ but studded them with symbolic objects…”(Thompson, Overture: The Concept “Altar”). Other techniques discussed in the film involved associating certain Oriṣa with certain saints, then worshiping those saints. This secret devotion to the Oriṣa kept the religion alive in a variety of forms across the continent, which is why so many people from so many places can come together and celebrate the same Goddess Oṣun. The diversity of the history in each participant is part of why I would consider the Oṣun-Oṣogba festival an example of African Diaspora.

The next reason that this great celebration is part of the African Diaspora is because of the art involved in each item used during the ceremony. The color and pattern of each dress signifies different Oriṣa, and one would wear the colors of the Oriṣa that speak to them. Beyond the colors, the fabric itself is tradition boutique fabric and is typically used during rituals. Other symbols that reflect the African Diaspora are the altars for the different Oriṣa. The altars in the video had lots of similarities some of the altars we read about in Thompson’s article, with each item specific to the altar of the deity it is designed for. The interesting difference between the video and the readings is that no two altars are identical in that each altar is both spiritual and personal. The same holds true with the dresses and art in the festival compared to ceremonious clothing used in the Americas. There are commonalities in which each Oriṣa represent in general, but what each god represents to the individual will vary. The Oṣun-Oṣogbo altars represent the African Diaspora well because they add to the variety ways the same god can by worshiped by many individuals.

The Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival is very representative of the African Diaspora because it is another variety of how the Oriṣa can be worshiped, and how others across the world can still devote themselves the same as those native to Oṣogbo.

In the film Sacred Journeys with Bruce Feiler: “Oṣun-Oṣogbo,” two women from America journey to Oṣogbo, Nigeria to become priestesses to the river goddess Oṣun. They witness and take part in the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival in an effort to find their roots, rediscover themselves, and re-pave their path in life. Although understanding their past and where they came from was their primary goal, the girls also wanted to visit Nigeria and show the people and practitioners of Orisha that their culture was still known and valued in other parts of the world, especially because Orisha was under attack in it’s home of Oṣogbo. The Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival demonstrates the way that the African diaspora religions have traveled, changed, and come full circle back to their birthplace though people, events, and objects.

Scholars such as Thompson and Johnson all define the African diaspora religions a little bit differently. Johnson believes that “. . . religions like Vodou, Santeria, Rastafari, and Candomble became doubly diasporic, as their practitioners in New York, Paris, London, or Miami not only look to Africa but also to the Caribbean as powerful homelands from which they are displaced.”  Johnson’s definition speaks more closely to the idea that diasporic religions were shaped by the forced and unnatural nature of the environment they were subject to, i.e. the Atlantic slave trade. During the slave trade, people all over the African continent were ripped from their homes and families, stripped of their traditions and culture, and brought to the Americas to perform slave labor. Many of these people managed to hold onto different aspects of their Yoruba culture/religion and did what they could to practice it in the Americas. The two women who visited Nigeria in this film, Alafia and Oni, have ancestors who did just that. These women represent the journey of the Orisha religion. Although the girls’ ancestors suffered immeasurably, they were able to save bits and pieces of their Yoruba culture–enough to evoke a curiosity and longing in Alafia and Oni to visit Nigeria and immerse themselves in the culture that their ancestors grew up with.

In scholarly articles about the Yoruba religion, animal sacrifices are discussed in depth as a typical offering to Yoruba deities. In the film, a chicken was sacrificed to the river goddess Oṣun. A chicken was slaughtered and the blood was poured over the head of a young man standing at the foot of the Oṣun River. He washed the blood over his head as it fell into the water as a sacrifice to Oṣun. As a final offering, the young man threw the body of the chicken into the river. Sacrificing animals is a staple of diasporic religions and the film showed a great example of a natural offering to the Orisha.

In the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival, soundscapes and movement are a large part of the atmosphere and ritual. The rhythmic drumming, chanting, and dancing serve as veneration to the Orisha. Soundscapes are a large part of the African diaspora–music in these religions went through a great formative period during the Atlantic slave trade. Slaves used music as a way to connect to each other and get in touch with the culture they were forced to leave behind in Africa. Slaves didn’t have access to instruments so vocals became increasingly important in diasporic religions, as demonstrated in the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival.

I believe the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival and its portrayal in the film is a prime example of diasporic religion. It’s a wonderful demonstration of the African diaspora that offers stunning visuals and soundscapes that help viewers understand the essence of Yoruba religion. The film includes great examples (within the Oṣun-Oṣogbo festival) of objects and concepts that are typical in diasporic religions such as the journey of the Orisha religion, the sanctity of animal sacrifice, and the importance of singing, dancing, and playing music together.

Noah Stommel

After watching the film, Sacred Journeys with Bruce Feiler: “Oṣun-Oṣogbo,” it became apparent that there are many ways in which the religious practices of the Yoruba people of Nigeria have undergone mixing with non-African culture over the centuries. Of course, mixing of Oriṣa religion began on a grand scale with the slave trade, beginning in the 15^th century, as part of the larger African diaspora. With the forced immersion of Yoruba people into European-dominated cultures in the New World, Orisa religion obviously faced mixing with Christianity. Through this fusion of Yoruba religion and Christianity, the traditions of African-originating religion were often obscured and oppressed by that of domineering Europeans.

The piece “Overture: The Concept ‘Altar,’” by Robert Farris Thompson, showed how African practitioners of Oriṣa religions were disallowed by Europeans to continue their rituals. According to legend, Cuban police on one occasion “confronted four men calmly seated with Panama hats in their hands. Other men were standing. Two European dolls, apparently for children, reclined against a wall. The police could do nothing. There were no ‘pagan instruments’ for them to seize and take away, no signs of a black religion for them to persecute, as they were wont to do in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries” (Overture: The Concept ‘Altar’, page 21). As soon as the police left, the objects seemingly strewn around resumed their purpose in a ritual religious practice. The hats became drums, and the dolls became used again as spiritual icons. This example demonstrates aspects of transculturation, in which the process of integrating into the New World called for the adaptations of the Yoruba people’s religious practices.

It was also mentioned in Sacred Journeys that certain Catholic saints have parallel figures of significance in Yoruba culture. Certain valued religious aspects infused into Oriṣa religion from Christianity clearly shows the syncretization, or simply the combination, of Old and New World religion that has taken place over the centuries. As elaborated upon in the film, slave traders did not destroy the Yoruba religion, but rather transplanted it into other corners of the world, allowing it to grow on its own, which ultimately resulted in these hybridized beliefs and practices, with Christianity especially, that we see today.

The film also highlighted the fact that there is mixing of Oriṣa religion not just in the New World, but also still in parts of Nigeria, where Islam and Christianity clash with traditional Yoruba culture. The film mentions the fact that the presence of more globalized religion in Nigeria is threatening traditional Oriṣa practices. The public is inundated with religious propaganda that argues the benefits of converting to Christianity. The youth of Nigeria are even proselytized in school, where mainstream Christianity tries to drown out the reverence for Oriṣa.

Ultimately, this film broadened my insights into how Oriṣa religion continues to be influenced by other religions, chiefly Christianity, on both sides of the Atlantic, and how, despite the fact that Christianity exists in force both in the New World and the Old, the Oriṣa-oriented culture can be affected differently. Perhaps most importantly, this film helped to further my understanding of the resiliency of Yoruba culture throughout the recent centuries, and the lasting significance that preserved practices still have on people of all corners of the world touched by West-African influence.

Nigeria has a culture that has been constantly impacted by change from many things such as slavery, colonization, and war. Now Nigeria is going through a state of massive amounts of growth and modernization. This modernization in many other countries has resulted in more secular life that isn’t the case in Nigeria. Hybridization and syncretism have changed and shaped The Yoruba religion and evidence of this is in the Osun-Osogbo festival and in the religion’s regular practice as well.

The Yoruba Holy book Efa is known as The Encyclopedia of Yoruba Knowledge because it not only acts as a holy text but also as a way to tell the future, history, genealogy, herbal medicine,and has elements of psychology. Efa uses information from the past and is read using natural objects including sand. The practice of telling the future and the concept of viewing things in the lens of time is an integral part of Yoruba and more broadly most diasporic religions according to Paul Christopher Johnson, a professor at University of Michigan in Afro-american and African studies. Additionally, opening the mind and being open are very important in the religion according to the Yoruba priest who performs a ritual on Bruce Feiler in the . That same priest lives next to a church and feels as though he is praying to the same one god that his neighbors are worshiping even though they practice a different way. The opening of the ceremony with a beaded necklace is very similar to Rosary beads in the Catholic faith which seems to be another example of the diasporic process influencing the Yoruba tradition. However the historical significance of beads in Africa which were often times used as a commodity to trade with by the European slavers for slaves makes me question if this was a practice used before the slave trade due to the possible very negative connection associated with the beads.

Yoruba is comparable to Christianity and in fact has influenced the practice of the religion in many ways showing the diasporic nature of Yoruba as a religion. They are comparable due to in christianity there being three traditional aspects of the one god in the Father, Son, and Holy spirit and in Yoruba there is one main God, Olorun, however there are 401 aspects of the deity according to Lloyd Weaver a Yoruba Priest from the united States. As another example of how Christianity, more specifically Catholicism, and the concept of saints in the catholic church is very similar to Yoruba tradition according to Sandy Placido who teaches at American University. Having specific days for saints like saint Patrick’s day, saint Michael’s day, and many more have Yoruba counterparts of specific days of worship for specific Orisha. However, It is much different in that there are specific months for specific deities. While this may seem somewhat different than Christianity it really isn’t, when you compare the Catholic calendar it begins to look somewhat similar with ther. Yoruba has a separate calendar for the gods with 13 months and 4 days a week and a separate calendar for day to day business which is the same as the Gregorian Calendar. The usage of the Gregorian calendar is due mostly to European Christian influence and is evidence of the hybrid nature of the Yoruba culture.

The Osun-Osogobo festival’s focus on the water, cleansing, and the head all relate to the idea of being baptized in Christianity. During the Osun-Osogobo festival the is a pilgrimage to the nearby river. The crowd of people walk down to the river while walking, they all do a motion over their head in order to cleans themselves. This act of cleansing is similar to how a priest would bless a person who is being baptized before putting them into the water. Then once the crowd reaches the water they cover their heads in water and some even drink from the water in an effort to cleanse themselves. This is comparable to the act of baptizing someone except there isn’t a priest blessing everyone. The task of cleansing is done individually which differs from the Christian tradition despite the two religions having a very similar tradition. However, just because these two religions have a lot in common that doesn’t mean that they are anywhere near the same and the practices being similar shows the syncretic properties of the Yororuba religion. Paul Christopher Johnson wrote in his book “Syncretism and Hybridization” “we can agree that everything is mixed without conceding that all religions are mixtures in just the same way” (767) which illustrates the hybrid properties and syncretism that all religions display. Many religions are considered to be hybrid and the diasporic Yoruba religion certainly is quite a good example of a religion that displays many hybrid properties.

The hybrid and inclusive nature of Yoruba religious tradition is tied to many different factors however many of those factors seem to be of European origin. Despite the many European influences, the Yoruba religion still remains incredibly unique. The focus on time and change are integral to the religion and differentiate it greatly from many other religions