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Author Archives: sobrady
Syncretism, Hybridity, The African Diaspora, and an Altar Crown For Yemaya
Walking into the Fleming Museum’s Spirited Things: Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic Exhibit, you’ll see everything from emptied rum bottles that have been transformed with beads and other materials into representations of the gods, to small statues that are meant to control the spirits of the dead allowing them to be used by the living. What caught my attention though was a glimmer a blue from the corner of my eye. Looking to my left there is a glass container containing various objects that are dedicated to the goddess Yemaya, the goddess of the sea who is often perceived as a mother to all, from Cuban Santeriá, or as it is more commonly known in Cuba, as Regla de Ocha, though there were three other objects what draws the eye most is the most delicate. A small crown of silver, comprised of 7 smaller crowns, each of which has two blue gems catching the light that showcases the object draws the eye of the viewer. Silver chains hang from the crown, each with their own unique metal object which represent the goddess or one of her allies, drawing the viewer deeper into the story behind the crown. In this analysis I’m going to describe the meaning of the crown and the various parts that comprise it, and then I’m going to discuss how the crown is a representation of both the African Diasporic religions and how syncretism and hybridity play a role in the creation and the design of the crown as well.
Altar crowns are a central part on many personal altars found in the homes of worshipers. Altars crowns are placed on top of soup tureens, which we learned in class, are decorated to match the orisha being worshipped, in the case of the altar crown that was made for Yemaya, the colors would be blue and white. Within these tureens symbols to the gods or objects that please the gods can be found, making the gods present on the altar. The altars and the objects that are placed on them are embodiments of the gods which means they are given the same respect. This means that the people who worship them wish to provide them with the best and most beautiful objects, and we can see that with the delicate beauty of the altar crown. By making sure that the objects are regularly cleaned and maintained as well as giving them offerings of food and drink they make sure that their gods on the altar are happy and well maintained. This crown specifically, is used on altars of Cuban Santería/Regla de Ocha altars for the goddess Yemaya. Each piece of the crown can clearly be linked back to Yemaya or some other god or goddess of the Santeriá religion. It doesn’t just do this though, the object is able to link Santeriá back to its religious origins in the Yoruba religion with the chains that hang down off the crown. The chains that hang down create a veil, similar to those that are found on the crowns of the African Yoruba monarchs, connecting the current practices to those of its past.
To understand how the crown is made and the reasoning behind each portion of the crown we must first understand the goddess whom the crown is made for. According the the website for the Santeria Church of the Orishas,Yemaya’s most sacred places in nature are those associated with water, the oceans, lakes, and lagoons, the color that represents Yemaya or her caminos (avatars or “roads”, which essentially are different versions of herself) are the colors blue and white, since she is the goddess of the sea. Her sacred number is 7, for her 7 caminos, and representative of the 7 seas. Yemaya influences more than just the sea though, as she is seen and known as a mother to all, she also influences family and women’s issues, pregnancy, children, and she is also associated with healing. Our ability to understand the goddess that the crown is made for will allow us to create the connections to understand the creation of the crown as a whole.
The crown contains many parts that we can link back to the goddess Yemaya, the 7 smaller crowns, 7 blue gems found in between each of the crowns all connect back to her sacred number. As well as this there are 21 chains that hang down from the crown, each of these chains have small silver charm that represents either yemaya or one of her many allies, as well as her sacred number since 21 is a multiple of 7. The key is associated with Elegguá, which according the the website for the Santeria Church of the Orishas, is the god of all roads, cross roads and doors, without his blessings nothing can get done as he allows the prayers of those who practice Santeriá to reach the intended orisha. The horseshoe, the hammer, the hatchet, the sickle and the scythe, the anvil, the sledgehammer, the knife, the saw and the machete all represent Yemaya’s husband Ogún, who is a powerful warrior, who defends those who worship him. The snake represents her other husband Obatalá, who is the eldest and most powerful of all the orisha, he is said to be the father of many of the other orisha and is said to be the owner of all heads, both spiritual and outer. The lightning bolt and the sword represent her son Chango, who is the god of thunder, lightning, and leadership. The 3 quills to represent her daughter-in-law Obba, who is considered to be the goddess of marriage and home, who waits for her husband Chango even though he cheats on her with the other goddesses. The sun, moon, ship’s wheel and the anchor embody Olokun, who is the goddess of the deep sea, some of the same charms are also sometimes associated with Yemaya. The charms that remain represent Yemaya and her own powers.
This object relates directly to the readings that we do in class as it demonstrates both a direct example of how the african diaspora works as is demonstrated throughout the religions as well as demonstrating the theories of hybridity and syncretism in a way that we can look at and see with our own eyes. To understand though how the object demonstrates how Santeriá is a diasporic religion of how it demonstrates syncretism, we first need to define both of the terms to truly understand and see the connection between the object and these topics.
Diaspora can be defined as a scattered population who originated from one location or as a population that has migrated from one location to another. Diasporic religions though are composed of memories of its place of origins and how it has changed since moving on. I believe the best description of a Diasporic religion though comes from Paul Johnson’s chapter Religions of the African Diaspora when he says, “African diasporic religions are transformed as they are accommodated in new sites and populations” (Johnson, 2013, 516). I think that this is the best definition because it relates to how the religions came over, and how they have changed. These Afro-Caribbean religions were brought over by the slaves taken out of their native countries during the Transatlantic Slave Trade, they brought their religions over, but because they were forced to hide their religion some of the aspects changed, transforming the religion into something new. This is clearly demonstrated in certain aspects of the crown, specifically with the chains that hang down with the small charms, the chains resemble the veil found on the on the African Yoruba monarchs, the classic traditions of the religion showing through despite the oppression of the religion, traditionally the objects that are attached to the chains would be found inside of the soup tureen. As well as the connecting the crown to its Yoruba traditions we can connect the goddess herself back, in Yoruba tradition the oriṣa would be known as Yemọja but she has become Yemaya in Cuban Santeriá through the African Diaspora. This is a demonstration of the african diaspora because there is a clear connection to Santeriá and its Yoruba roots.
Syncretism is the most commonly used word when it comes down to the mixing of different aspects of a religion into one, or when one aspect of a religion is influenced by another religion or culture. Though syncretism is used most commonly used when dealing with topics of religions, the word hybridity is used when dealing with the combination of different organisms, the two words are usually a package deal though, when you hear one, you will most likely hear the other, because they deal with similar topics. In Johnson’s chapter Syncretism and Hybridization, he says “Syncretism and hybridity require ‘worlds’ of parallel entities that can it could be juxtaposed or joined. We don’t usually imagine or posit the creole, hybrid or syncretic possibilities of, say, dogs and plants, or Augustinian theodicy and snow tires, because such entities occupy different worlds.” (Johnson, 2016, 766). This shows us the link between hybridity and syncretism because it explains that to be used the religions, or organisms that they are combining need to be that of the same “world”, which just means that they need to have something in common, in this situation we are talking about religion. The altar crown demonstrates syncretism through how the altar crown for yemaya shares certain aspects with the traditional styles of European crowns. This is a demonstrates of syncretism because of the roles that crowns play in Europe and in aspects of christianity. The crown is a symbol of royalty and the monarchy, this is a shared feature in both altar crowns, as altar crowns also symbolize royalty among the oriṣa, and the European crowns so the integration of European styles in with the traditional Yoruba style of crowns is a demonstration of hybridity. Crowns do more than just represent royalty though, in the Catholic religion it is believed that those who go above average in certain aspects of the religion will receive a crown when they enter in the kingdom of heaven, the crown of righteousness for example, or the crowns that were worn by the monarchs as they traditionally had a role in the church. This is an example of how the European crowns play a role in the religion which makes the combination of the European styled crown and the Yoruba style crown an example of both hybridity and syncretism.
The altar crown for Yemaya in Cuban Santeriá is a clear demonstration the definitions of syncretism/hybridity and the African Diaspora. Examples that prove this can all be found in the crown and in the reasons behind the various pieces that come together to form the finished product. From the 7 blue gemstones meant to represent Yemaya, to the charms hanging off the chains which represent Yemaya and her allies. The 7 small european looking crowns that bring back the memories of when they had to incorporate catholic traditions into their religion so that they could practice it in secret, and the chains that hang down off the crown connecting it back to the traditional crowns of the religion it was based off of. Each of the aspects of the crown demonstrate how the crown and Santeriá as a whole is a diasporic religion and the aspects that it took in through syncretism.
Bibliography
Matory, J. Lorand. ms. The Fetish Revisited: Marx, Freud, and the Gods Black People Make.
Flores-Peña, Ysamur, and Roberta J. Evanchuk. 2011. Santería garments and altars: speaking without a voice. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi.
Matory, J. Lorand “Artifacts.” Artifacts | The Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic. Accessed October 30, 2017. http://sacredart.caaar.duke.edu/artifacts/1283#.
“Yemaya.” Santeria Church of the Orishas. Accessed October 30, 2017. http://santeriachurch.org/the-orishas/yemaya/.
Johnson, Paul Christopher. 2016. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook in The Study of Religion. Edited by Michael Stausberg and Steven Engler, 754-69. Oxford University Press.
Johnson, Paul Christopher. 2013. “Religions of the African Diaspora.” In A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism. Edited by Ato Quayson and Girish Daswani, 509-20. Blackwell Publishing
Vodou Power Objects
Power Objects Lecture: Charging and Discharging in Afro-Caribbean Religions
On Wednesday October 19th Dr. McAlister, came to lecture on “Charging and Discharging in Afro-Caribbean Religions.” Dr. McAlister who is a professor at Wesleyan University and is an expert in the studies of Haitian Vodou, this is only part of the reason the Dr. McAlister was invited to come to speak in connection with the exhibit though. Dr. McAlister was able to study Vodou power objects over a period of years in a way that not many other researchers do, while she was on a trip to Haiti she accidentally bought a charged object that held the spirits of two zonbi, which she was unaware of until she began her research of the object. This makes her even more relevant to the exhibit at the museum as she is an expert in Haitian Vodou and she was able to bring parts of Vodou that we were not able to see when you look just at an altar in her lecture that she gave.
In her lecture she spoke first about her article, “A Sorcerer’s Bottle”, which tells the story of how she unknowingly became the owner of these two zonbi. She spoke about the different kinds of spirits and told us the the bottle contained petwo spirits. Petwo spirits are hot, they are very quick and effective, but they are angry. Petwo spirits are most commonly associated with what most people know as “black magic”, those who capture petwo spirits will eventually suffer the consequences as the spirits take a lot of the energy and life force from the person who has trapped them. After explaining to us how the objects are charged, she moved on to how one would go about discharging the objects. She explained how spiritual charges can be transferred, and explained the differences between discharging something and desacralizing. When something is discharged the spirit is liberated desacralizing is when the spirits are transferred into another object so that the original object could be used in a museum for example. Once we had all the background knowledge that we needed, Dr. McAlister showed us a video of the discharging process that she had taken when she brought her bottle back to Haiti to be discharged, being able to watch the process of the spirits being discharged allowed me to better understand dischargement as a process. As well as this, being able to watch this ritual gave me a better understanding into Vodou and the traditions as a whole, especially having to do with the spirits after a person has died in Vodou tradition.
This lecture related directly to our class because only days before had we read her first article, “A Sorcerers Bottle”, this gave those of us who had read the article a better basis to understand her lecture on. This lecture went further connecting to a reading we did written by Professor Abiodun titled “Àṣẹ: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art” goes onto explain African art that we do not normally think of when we think of traditional art, he explains through the article that African and Yoruba art is alive, and while this particular bottle came from Haiti and Vodou which is a diasporic religion based off of Yoruba traditions. This means that Vodou evolved from Yoruba, which means that it carries some of those traditions, in Dr. McAllister’s article her friend when viewing the bottle says, “‘You know, that thing it never stops’ remarked one friend as she spoke absently about something else. Indeed, the bottle moves and swirls in its own way.” (McAlister, 2) this connects the bottle back to it’s Yoruba roots as the bottle seems to be alive and every moving.
McAlister posed many interesting questions throughout her lecture and I wish we had a bit more time to go through and fully watch and discuss the videos from the discharging process a bit more. I would like to ask her what she thought caused the contents of the bottle to ignite like they did during the video of the discharging process.
Abiodun, Rowland. “Àṣẹ: Verbalizing and Visualizing Creative Power through Art.” Journal of Religion in Africa 24, no. 4 (1994): 309-22. doi:10.2307/1581339.
McAlister, Elizabeth. “A Sorcerers Bottle” Sacred Arts of Ancient Vodou (1995): 304-24
A Altar Crown For Yemaya
When walking into the museum it’s easy to become quickly overwhelmed by the number of interesting and eye catching objects. While walking around the exhibit you’ll see everything from emptied rum bottles that have been transformed with beads and other materials into representations of the gods, to a small statues that are meant to control the spirits of the dead so they can be used by the living. During one visit to the museum when I was looking at the objects on the altar dedicated to Yemaya, goddess of the living sea and mother of all, it was an object that wasn’t included on the altar that peaked my interest the most. Held on a pedestal in the glass case next to the altar was an altar crown to Yemaya from Cuban Santeriá, or as it is more commonly known in Cuba, as Regla de Ocha. The crown, while being displayed the same as the other objects in the case grabs the attention of the viewer more. The 7 smaller crowns that make up the one, the blue gems, and the chains hanging down from the crown with small metal charms capture the attention of the viewer drawing them in to read the description of the object, and to learn the story behind it.
To understand how the crown is made and the reasoning behind each portion of the crown we must first understand the goddes that the crown is made for. Yemaya is the goddess of the sea and is often perceived as a mother to all. Her most sacred places in nature are those associated with water, the oceans, lakes, and lagoons, the color that represents Yemaya or her caminos (avatars or “roads”, which essentially are different versions of herself) are the colors blue and white. Her sacred number is 7, for her 7 caminos, and representative of the 7 seas. Yemaya influences more than just the sea though, as she is seen and known as a mother to all, she also influences family and women’s issues, pregnancy, children, and she is also associated with healing. Our ability to understand the goddess that the crown is made for will allow us to make the connections to understand the creation of the crown as a whole.
The crown contains many parts that we can link back to the goddess Yemaya, the 7 smaller crowns, 7 blue gems found in between each of the crowns all connect back to her sacred number. As well as this there are 21 chains that hang down from the crown, each of these chains have small silver charm that represents either yemaya or one of her many allies, as well as her sacred number since 21 is a multiple of 7. The key is associated with Elegguá, the god of all roads, cross roads and doors, without his blessings nothing can get done as he allows the prayers of those who practice Santeriá to reach the intended orisha. The horseshoe, the hammer, the hatchet, the sickle and the scythe, the anvil, the sledgehammer, the knife, the saw and the machete all represent Yemaya’s husband Ogún, who is a powerful warrior, who defends those who worship him. The snake represents her other husband Obatalá, who is the eldest and most powerful of all the orisha, he is said to be the father of many of the other orisha and is said to be the owner of all heads, both spiritual and outer. The lightening bolt and the sword represent her son Chango, who is the god of thunder lightening, and leadership. The 3 quills to represent her daughter-in-law Obba, who is considered to be the goddess of marriage and home, who waits for her husband Chango even though he cheats on her with the other goddesses. The sun, moon, ship’s wheel and the anchor embody Olokun, who is the goddess of the deep sea, some of the same charms are also sometimes associated with Yemaya. The charms that remain represent Yemaya and her own powers.
Altar crowns are very often found in the homes of worshippers on their own altars and are considered to be a central part in them. The altar crown would sit on top of soup tureen which would be decorated to match the orisha being worshiped, in the case of the altar crown that we are looking at it would be for Yemaya, so the colors would be blue and white. Within these tureens symbols to the gods or objects that please the gods would be placed within them. The altars and the objects on the altars are embodiments of the gods which means they are given the same respect. This means that the people who worship them wish to provide them with the best and most beautiful objects, and we can see that with the delicate beauty of the altar crown. Providing them with the most beautiful objects is not the only way though. By making sure that the objects are regularly cleaned and maintained as well as giving them offerings of food and drink they make sure that their gods on the altar are happy and well maintained.
This crown specifically, is used on altars of Cuban Santería or Regla de Ocha altars for the goddess Yemaya. Each piece of the crown can clearly be linked back to Yemaya or some other god or goddess of the Santeriá religion. It doesn’t just do this though, the object is able to link Santeriá back to its religious origins in the Yoruba religion with the chains that hang down off the crown. The chains that hang down create a veil, similar to those that are found on the crowns of the African Yoruba monarchs, connecting the current practices to those of its past. As well as looking into how this object demonstrates the fact that Santeriá is a diasporic religion we will also be looking at how syncretism is demonstrated as the crown also shares aspects with European styled crowns.
This object relates directly to the readings that we do in class as it demonstrates both a direct example of how the african diaspora works as is demonstrated throughout the religions as well as demonstrating the theories of hybridity and syncretism in a way that we can look at and see with our own eyes. To understand though how the object demonstrates how Santeriá is a diasporic religion of how it demonstrates syncretism, we first need to define both of the terms to truly understand and see the connection between the object and these topics.
Diaspora can be defined as a scattered population who originated from one location or as a population that has migrated from one location to another. Diasporic religions though are composed of memories of its place of origins and how it has changed since moving on. I believe the best description of a Diasporic religion though comes from Paul Johnson’s chapter Religions of the African Diaspora when he says, “African diasporic religions are transformed as they are accommodated in new sites and populations” (Johnson, 2013, 516). I think that this is the best definition because it relates to how the religions came over, and how they have changed. These Afro-Caribbean religions were brought over by the slaves taken out of their native countries during the Transatlantic Slave Trade, they brought their religions over, but because they were forced to hide their religion some of the aspects changed, transforming the religion into something new. This is clearly demonstrated in certain aspects of the crown, specifically with the chains that hang down with the small charms, the chains resemble the veil found on the on the African Yoruba monarchs, the classic traditions of the religion showing through despite the oppression of the religion, traditionally the objects that are attached to the chains would be found inside of the soup tureen. This is a demonstration of the african diaspora because there is a clear connection to Santeriá and its Yoruba roots.
The word syncretism is the most commonly used word when it comes down to the discussion between the mixing of religions or with the incorporation of a tradition into the religion or into certain aspects of the religion. Though syncretism is the word that is most commonly used with aspects of religion a word that we have seen being used often times with syncretism is hybridity, traditionally used only with organisms or objects, the two are usually paired together because they have similar ideas, in Johnson’s chapter Syncretism and Hybridization, he says “Syncretism and hybridity require ‘worlds’ of parallel entities that can it could be juxtaposed or joined. We don’t usually imagine ore or posit the creole, hybrid or syncretic possibilities of, say, dogs and plants, or Augustinian theodicy and snow tires, because such entities occupy different worlds.” (Johnson, 2016, 766) This shows us how hybridity and syncretism are related because they both require the objects that they are joining to be in the same “worlds” in this case the “world” that they have in common and are talking about in this situation is religion. The crown is a demonstration of syncretism through the aspects that the altar crown shares with some of the more traditional styles of European crowns. This is a demonstration of it because it is the combination of certain aspects from the crowns of Europe which play a religious role in certain aspects of christianity, for example, in the Catholic religion it is believed that those who go above average in certain aspects of the religion will receive a crown when they enter in the kingdom of heaven, the crown of righteousness for example, or the crowns that were worn by the monarchs as they traditionally had a role in the church. So the aspects of certain crowns found throughout Europe was combined with some of the aspects from traditional Yoruba crowns and were hybridized into this crown which is being used on a Santeriá altar, which is a clear demonstration of syncretism.
The altar crown for Yemaya in Cuban Santeriá is a clearly demonstrates the definitions of syncretism hybridity and the African Diaspora. Examples that prove this can all be found in the crown and in the reasons behind the various pieces that come together to form the finished product. From the 7 blue gemstones meant to represent Yemaya, to the charms hanging off the chains which represent Yemaya and her allies. The 7 small european looking crowns that bring back the memories of when they had to incorporate catholic traditions into their religion so that they could practice it in secret, and the chains that hang down off the crown connecting it back to the traditional crowns of the religion it was based off of. Each of the aspects of the crown demonstrate how the crown and Santeriá as a whole is a diasporic religion and the aspects that it took in through syncretism.
-Sam Brady
Bibliography
Matory, J. Lorand. ms. The Fetish Revisited: Marx, Freud, and the Gods Black People Make.
Flores-Peña, Ysamur, and Roberta J. Evanchuk. 2011. Santería garments and altars: speaking without a voice. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi.
Matory, J. Lorand “Artifacts.” Artifacts | The Sacred Arts of the Black Atlantic. Accessed October 30, 2017. http://sacredart.caaar.duke.edu/artifacts/1283#.
“Yemaya.” Santeria Church of the Orishas. Accessed October 30, 2017. http://santeriachurch.org/the-orishas/yemaya/.
Johnson, Paul Christopher. 2016. “Syncretism and Hybridization.” In The Oxford Handbook in The Study of Religion. Edited by Michael Stausberg and Steven Engler, 754-69. Oxford University Press.
Johnson, Paul Christopher. 2013. “Religions of the African Diaspora.” In A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism. Edited by Ato Quayson and Girish Daswani, 509-20. Blackwell Publishing
Object Analysis: Annotated Bibliography
Matory, J. Lorand. ms. The Fetish Revisited: Marx, Freud, and the Gods Black People Make.
I found this through the recommendation of Professor Brennan. In this portion of a manuscript chapter written by Professor Matory he speaks of crowns, fly whisks, and how royalism of the gods and of the processes of how they are worshiped, are demonstrated in the different Santería/Ocha, Brazilian Candomblé, and other Yoruba-Atlantic religions.
Professor Matory has an interesting perspective on this, he looks these religions in both an academic way but also from the way of a practitioner of the religion. The goal of the work is to get the reader to look at the similarities between these Yoruba-Atlantic religions on the topics of royalism and the different types of crowns and other objects that aid in the worshiping of the gods.
Flores-Peña, Ysamur, and Roberta J. Evanchuk. 2011. Santería garments and altars: speaking without a voice. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi.
This book was also recommended to me by Professor Brennan for my research. The book narrated by a seamstress from the Santería religion who explains how the garments and crowns worn by initiates into the priest or priestess hood are created and then meaning that is behind the choice in fabric or beading that the seamstress chooses to use. As well as this, the Santería practitioner speaks of the different types of altars for orisha worship and what kind of work goes into them.
The author is writing this from the position of an actual practitioner of the religion trying to educate the public on the process that go into being able to properly worship the gods in a respectful and appropriate way, and the traditions behind them.
Gordon, Jacob U. 1979. “Yoruba Cosmology and Culture in Brazil.” Journal of Black Studies 9 (4): 231–44. doi:10.1177/002193477900900406.
I found this article through JSTOR by searching the various spellings for the yemoya. This article speaks about Yoruba cosmology and culture in Brazil, it gives background on the yoruba culture and cosmology before getting into how it was brought into Brazil and giving information on the various gods and goddess of the religion.
The author is writing this from a very academic standpoint, going over the basic history of the religion and how it entered and has changed since coming to Brazil
-Sam Brady
Object Analysis Research Statement
I am studying an alter crown for Yemoyá from the Santoriá religion. I’m studying this because I want to discover how the object is used, and how it differs from other crowns in the Santeriá religion and how it differs from the crowns in other Yoruba religions, as well as looking at the differences in the crowns at differing levels in the hierarchy and royalty within the gods. The crown is an important part to these religions and to the way that they are used within families and their altars, which is what makes studying the symbolism of the crowns so interesting. Through researching these questions, I will be able to help the reader understand the symbolism of the crown and what makes them so important as well as looking at the different types of crowns and how they differ in the different religions.
Crowns play a role in many of the religions and altars that we have been studying, so this connects my object and the questions I am asking about them perfectly as I am asking about how the crowns differ across the religions that we are studying. When we look at the religions that we have been studying we generally see the crowns in two different places, we either find them on altars as crowns for the soup tureen, or we find them being used as crowns for sovereigns. “Crown, Ekiti, 19th-20th century. The conical beaded crown with veil symbolizes the inner spiritual head of the kind and links him with all his royal ancestors who have joined the pantheon of gods.” (Drewal, Pemberton & Abiodun, p. 32) This is a demonstration of a crown symbol in another yoruba related religion, which could be used to show the reader the symbolism of the crown and what makes them so important in the religions.
To find information about crowns I will need to use many different resources as I am not just looking at one religion in particular. So, to find enough information I will be looking for articles about them, if I could find something that is written by an altar maker or someone who makes crowns that would be ideal. My secondary sources could be various books or other articles written about the altars or religions to help me to contextualize the types of crowns for that specific religion. If I could find a documentary that studies the altars that would also help to contextualize the altar crowns in relation to their importance with the other parts of the altars.
-Sam Brady
Oṣun-Oṣogbo and the Creation of a Diasporic Legacy
The African Diaspora has been defined by many, and in many different ways. The definition I find that connects with the Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival best would be the how Professor Christopher Johnson, a professor of Religion, the African Diaspora, Atlantic studies and more from the University of Michigan, defines it in Chapter 30, “Religions of the African Diaspora” from the book “A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism”. “Diasporic religions are composed on the hand out of memories about space- places of origin, about the distances traversed from them since a time of exile, and the physical or ritual returns imagined, […] diasporic religious agents recollect the past through territorial and temporal ways of seeing, and from particular sites.” This idea of the rituals returns is clear in the film, Sacred Journeys: With Bruce Feiler “Oṣun-Oṣogbo”, as the Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival occurs every year in August and hundreds of thousands of people make the trip to return to Africa and to Oṣogbo for the festivities. Alathia Stewart and Oni Yipiay-Henton are two young women that we met in the film who came to Africa to be initiated as priestesses of the Yoruba religion. They said that coming back felt like they were taking back all that had been taken from them when their ancestors had been stolen from their homeland, and from their religion. During their time in slavery they weren’t allowed to practice their religion freely, they were forced to hide it and keep it veiled behind Catholicism and Christian ideas. This can be seen in Cuban Santería, which can be traced back to Yoruba religion, as many of the gods and goddesses of religion are also associated with Catholic Saints. The goddess Oshun is associated with Our Lady of la Caridad del Cobre (Our lady of Charity) and each god or goddess has their own Catholic counterpart. In the film they also talked about how many of the traditions in the religions’ homeland haven’t changed in hundreds of years, and that most of them survived through the toll that the African Slave trade took on the people and country of Nigeria. They kept the memories of Africa and these religions alive, which is a key part of being a diasporic religion, because they are composed of these memories. It’s the memories that keep the religion alive in the population. This is such an important part of diasporic religions; the whole festival of Oṣun is based off of a memory. That being the memory of how the goddess Oṣun became the patron oriṣa, deity, of Oṣogbo, the reason being, because the first king of Oṣogbo chopped down a tree in Oṣun’s Sacred grove, breaking her personal dye pots, in an attempt to fix what he had done and to repair this relationship between his kingdom and the goddess, he promised her sacrifices and a festival every August. I think this film gave me a better understanding into diasporic and Yoruba religions, because being able to see part of the festival gave me a better understanding of how large of a religion it actually is. I wasn’t aware that it was in the top 10 largest religions, so to see how many people traveled to come participate in this festival, and knowing from Robert Farris Thompson’s book “Face of the Gods: Art and Altars of Africa and African Americas” chapter on the festival celebrating Yemoja, another deity of the water in Yoruba religion, in Brazil really helps to demonstrate how large of a religion it really is. As well as showing how popular of a religion it is, the film also showed us more into the intimate parts of the religion. When we saw Bruce Feiler, the host of the film, go in and speak with the priest and watch a bit of a ritual, or when we got a look into the process of how the young girl was chosen to carry the sacrifices for Oṣun down to the river, we got to actually see a very important part of the religion that we normally do not get to see in the articles that we read. Through this film we are able to see into the religion and make the connection between Yoruba religion and between the African Diaspora. At the same time though, we didn’t get to truly understand what the rituals truly are, and the meaning behind them, because we are only outsiders peering into something that we cannot even begin to understand because the film shows us an American’s view into this African Diasporic religion.
Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival Reflection
The African Diaspora has been defined by many, and in many different ways. The definition that I find that connects with the Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival best though, would be the how Johnson defines it in Chapter 30, “Religions of the African Diaspora” article we were given to read. “Diasporic religions are composed on the hand out of memories about space- places of origin, about the distances traversed from them since a time of exile, and the physical or ritual returns imagined, […] diasporic religious agents recollect the past through territorial and temporal ways of seeing, and from particular sites.” This idea of the rituals returns is clear in the video as the Oṣun-Oṣogbo Festival occurs every year in August and hundreds of thousands of people make the trip to return to Africa and to Oṣogbo for the festivities. The women in the film who came to Africa to be initiated as priestesses of the Yoruba religion said that coming back felt like they were taking back all that had been taken from them when their ancestors had been taken away from their homeland, and from their religion, where they were forced to hide their religion and keep it veiled behind Catholicism and Christian ideas during slavery. In the film they talked about how many of the traditions haven’t changed in hundreds of years, and that most of them are survived even through the toll that the African Slave trade took on Nigeria and the people from there. They kept the memories of Africa and these religions alive though which is a key part of being a diasporic religion, because they are composed of these memories, it’s the memories that keep the religion alive in the population. This is such an important part of diasporic religions, that the whole festival is based off of a memory. That memory being the one of how the goddess Oṣun became the patron orisha of Oṣogbo, and the reason being, because the first king of Oṣogbo chopped down a tree in Oṣun’s Sacred grove, breaking her personal dye pots, and in an attempt to fix what he had done and to forge this relationship between his kingdom and the goddess, promised her sacrifices and the festival every August. I think this film gave me a better understanding into the diasporic religions and to the Yoruba religions, because being able to see part of the festival gave me a better understanding of how large of a religion it actually is, I wasn’t aware that it was in the top 10 largest religions, so to see how many people traveled to come participate in this festival, and knowing from the article that we read recently about the festival celebrating Oṣun in Brazil really helped me to understand just how large of a religion it really is. As well as showing how popular of a religion it is, the film also showed us more into the intimate parts of the religion. When we saw Bruce Feiler, the host of the film go in and speak with the priest and watch a bit of a ritual, or when we got a look into the process of how the young girl was chosen to carry the sacrifices for Oṣun down to the river, we got to actually see a very important part of the religion that we normally do not get to see in the articles that we read.
–Sam Brady