{"id":9,"date":"2013-04-01T14:44:48","date_gmt":"2013-04-01T18:44:48","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/?page_id=9"},"modified":"2013-05-10T12:18:30","modified_gmt":"2013-05-10T16:18:30","slug":"islam-in-west-africa","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/islam-in-west-africa\/","title":{"rendered":"Islam in West Africa"},"content":{"rendered":"

Conceptions of Female Ritual Restrictions Among the Hausa and Tuareg<\/strong><\/p>\n

Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The impact Islam has on women\u2019s rights has been an area of debate in recent years. \u00a0While some scholars consider Islam a religion for men with \u201can institutionalized mistrust of women\u201d that views the female as \u201cpotentially dangerous and a source of disorder,\u201d others contend that Islam has \u201cgiven women many rights in the economic and political spheres\u201d and the perception that Islam oppresses women is due to \u201cpatriarchal interpretations of the sacred texts, not\u2026the texts themselves\u201d (Coulon 117; Bop 1101). \u00a0Indeed, Robinson rejects the notion that Islam is \u201cmisogynous\u201d or \u201cwomen-hating\u201d; he writes that \u201cMuhammad, the Quran, and the Sharia show great concern about the welfare of women,\u201d and as a result Islam \u201crepresented a considerable improvement over conditions in Bedouin and Meccan society\u201d\u2014however, he concedes that \u201cthe institutions and practice have been dominated by men and have reinforced the patriarchal dimensions of society\u201d (20-21).<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 One way in which some critics claim that Islam reinforces an Islamic patriarchal model is through ritual restrictions applied to women. \u00a0Such restrictions are often centered around female sexuality, which has led some scholars to conclude that these restrictions are in place so men can control what they perceive to be women\u2019s dangerous and potentially polluting sexual nature (Rasmussen, \u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 751). \u00a0While this assertion may be true, male intentionality is not the only factor that needs to be considered: more importantly, we must consider the female responses to ritual restrictions as well as the specific cultural values that function outside of Islam to reinforce such restrictions.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 This essay will expand the debate by examining gender ideology in West Africa through the lens of two case studies: the first will focus on the practice of seclusion, or purdah, among the Hausa in Nigeria and Niger, and the second will look at menstrual taboos among the Tuareg tribes of the Maghreb. \u00a0Using ethnographic research from these two groups, this paper will show that Islam can have many different and complex implications for the lives of women, and that generally it would be an oversimplification to just claim that Islam is either good for women or bad for women. \u00a0We will see that ritual restrictions can be limiting, but that, in certain cultural contexts, they can also be a source of feminine power.<\/p>\n

Background: Islam in North and West Africa<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The spread of Islam into North and West Africa can be traced back to two main phenomena: trade and conquest. \u00a0It appears that the first contact most West Africans had with Islam was around the middle of the seventh century CE, when Muslim traders \u201cbegan to work [their] way across the trans-Saharan trade routes from North to West Africa\u201d (Clarke 8). \u00a0The exchange of goods indirectly functioned to spread Islam, because adherence to sharia law fostered \u201cmutual trust among merchants in the long-distance trade,\u201d so it was in traders\u2019 best interests to convert to the new religion (Levtzion 3). \u00a0As a result, many North Africans involved in the Trans-Saharan trade converted to Islam, and even those that did not were increasingly exposed to it. \u00a0Such exposure also came in the form of warfare and conquest. \u00a0After defeating Byzantine Imperial forces \u201cin the middle of the seventh century, the Arabs gained control over coastal North Africa\u201d but \u201cfailed to impose their authority over the Berber tribes of the interior\u201d (Levtzion 2). \u00a0Later, large swaths of this land would fall under the rule of successive Islamic dynasties. \u00a0It is important to recognize that merchants and warriors brought with them several different types of Islam\u2014Sufi, Sunni, Shi\u2019a, Kharijite\u2014and customs from these branches intermingled with local tradition to varying extents depending on the particular group.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The Hausa, one of the largest ethnic groups in West Africa, span a large portion of the Sahel and can be found in many countries in the region. For the Hausa of Northern Nigeria and Southern Niger, Islam was the religion of elites from about the 15th through the 19th century (Henquinet 59). \u00a0Pre-Islamic religions coexisted with Islam<\/p>\n

\"A<\/a>

A map of the Sokoto Caliphate<\/p><\/div>\n

until the beginning of 19th century when Usman Dan Fodio led a series of jihads and ultimately established the Sokoto Caliphate, an Islamic state that existed in Northern Nigeria until colonization by the British in 1903. Although British colonial entities swept away the Sokoto Caliphate and established their own government, they \u201cviewed the indigenous Northern Nigerian establishment, including its religious institutions and judicial systems, as legitimate\u201d (Miles 54). \u00a0The British saw the institutions set up by the Islamic state, with power placed largely in the hands of male authorities, as conducive to their policy of indirect rule. Niger, however, had a different experience under the colonial yoke of the French. The French strategy of direct rule was more aggressive in dismantling African power structures. Islam was looked at unfavorably by the French because, as Miles puts it, \u201c[they] distrusted any religious interference in colonial governance\u201d (54). \u00a0French policies of secularization led to an effort to dismantle previously existing institutions of power and establish secular rule in their colonies.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Among the Tuareg tribes, Islam was greeted with mixed reactions. \u00a0The Tuareg \u201care a very diverse group of people,\u201d composed of many different tribes with various reactions to Islam (Clarke 54). \u00a0Keenan notes that Quranic influences (especially its inheritance rules) were seen by some as \u201ca threat to the political and physical strength of the matrilineage,\u201d but to other groups Islamic practices were actually adopted more \u201cas a matter of political expediency than religious conviction\u201d (Keenan 337). \u00a0As with other Berber tribes, Islam did not replace\u2014but was rather added to\u2014existing social and spiritual customs. \u00a0Additionally, \u201cbecause of their many years of isolation, the Tuareg have been able to maintain customs and practices of their nomadic ancestors\u201d (Standifer 53). \u00a0Such practices included the importance of the matriliny, which influenced the freedom with which Tuareg women conducted their lives; many an Arab Muslim traveler criticized the Tuareg for \u201cnot properly restricting women\u201d (Rasmussen, \u201cPolitics of Aging\u201d 4), and indeed \u201cthe phenomenon of a matriarchal, matrilineal, or matrifocal-type of kinship system forcibly struck Arab Muslims when they first mixed with the Tuareg\u201d (Norris 14). \u00a0Be that as it may, the Tuareg largely converted to Islam, although for the most part they did not adhere to a strict Islamic orthodoxy, but instead adopted some aspects while discarding others.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Building off of this background history, this essay will now begin to look at the specific changes conversion to Islam had on Hausa and Tuareg society, focusing mainly on how Islamic conceptions of proper gender roles were adapted to traditional, pre-Islamic conceptions. \u00a0Indeed, one would be remiss to overlook the effect that Islam has had on traditional gender roles in both the Hausa and Tuareg societies. A better understanding of this question can be gained by examining certain ritual practices and restrictions. For both groups, Islam has created new tensions in existing gender relationships, but to varying extents.<\/p>\n

Case One: Purdah and the Hausa<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In the case of the Hausa, the practice of seclusion is a development that has redefined expectations of both women and men in Northern Nigeria and Southern Niger. Seclusion, or purdah, can be found in numerous societies across West and North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia, though \u201cfull purdah\u201d is found more generally in urban contexts (Pastner 409). In Northern Nigeria and Southern Niger, purdah was practiced exclusively by elites until the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate in the mid 19th century.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Purdah among Muslim Hausa women begins when a woman is married and usually ends when she has passed through menopause. In Hausa society, marriage can start between the ages of 12-15. Women in purdah are not allowed outside in daylight and are not allowed to leave their husband\u2019s compound without being veiled. They generally require their husband\u2019s permission to visit other compounds, usually at night, and are held entirely accountable for their whereabouts. Women are forbidden from working in agriculture while in purdah, though there are exceptions; instead, they are expected to devote their energy to maintaining their homes for their husbands.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Though these conditions may be interpreted as harsh by some, they are seen as a privilege by others. According to Cooper, in Niger purdah is seen as an expression of a local \u201cunderstanding of prosperity, leisure, and rank that is little informed by religion\u201d (77). For women, these arrangements are preferable to the sometimes burdensome labor required in planting, harvesting, retrieving water, etc. For men, who are bound by the Quran to provide food and shelter for their wives, keeping their wife in seclusion signifies that they are strong, prosperous husbands who are capable of providing for their family, which increases both their status and respect. \u00a0However, it can be difficult for a man to provide abundant resources for his family without the help of his wife. Many men are forced to leave their homes to look for work, often migrating for weeks or months at a time. Even in these instances, purdah is maintained in order to signal piety and prosperity, even if it doesn\u2019t actually afford these rewards (Henquinet 69).<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Purdah represents more than just leisure time for Hausa women. Many utilize their free time to devote resources towards personal crafts and services that help to earn additional income of their own. Hausa women have long been involved in trade, dating back to pre-Islamic periods. This tradition is maintained within seclusion through cloth-making and preparing meals for other families. However, because women are physically constrained to their households, they often use children to \u201chawk for their mothers,\u201d running goods and products created by their mother to markets and private households (Callaway 440). In order to devote full attention to their household industries, many women will forgo making meals for their families, either by buying prepared meals, or in some cases a \u201chusband will actually buy prepared food from his wife for his meals\u201d (406 VerEecke).<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 There are, without a doubt, a number of negative impacts from this system. L. Lewis Wall points to a study which shows that an overwhelming majority of maternal deaths in Northern Nigeria occur among Hausa Muslim women who too often give birth at an exceedingly young age. Girls, sometimes as early as 10 years old, are pressured to marry and give birth when they are too young to physically do so. This is reinforced because \u201cgirls who are not married while in secondary school are viewed with suspicion\u201d (Callaway 438). Early marriage leads to a lack of education, which is often so crucial for preventing early pregnancies (Wall 346).<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Language is another important factor in enforcing ideas around marriage and seclusion. Cooper points out that \u201cadulthood and marriage are linked\u201d within the language of the Hausa (856). \u00a0Women who are unmarried are sometimes referred to–especially by males–as karuwai, essentially equating them to a courtesan (Cooper 857). This kind of language can make unmarried women feel inferior and can reinforce the notion that they must marry in order to gain social stature. Associations between women and prostitutes date back to the beginning of the century. Steven Pierce argues that the beginning of this kind of language can be traced to a decree by the Emir of Kano in March of 1923. He was trying to prohibit women from inheriting land from their dead relatives on the grounds that \u201cautonomous women were perceived as part of a problematic demimonde\u201d (Pierce 469). What the emir saw as especially reminiscent of prostitution was the process of courtship among independent women. Women usually received multiple gifts from suitors that conveyed their interest in marriage. However, marriage was not a guaranteed result of this process. The fear was that independent women would abuse this system and gain advantage from free gifts (Pierce 471). Additionally, \u00a0\u201cadult female respectability is strongly correlated with marriage and seclusion, and this also correlates with men\u2019s much greater ability to make a living\u201d (Pierce 482). The emir\u2019s association of the independent woman with prostitution has ultimately contributed to a severe stigmatization of unmarried women in Hausa society. Renee Pittin summed up this problem in another way:<\/p>\n

In Hausa society, with its tradition of seclusion and strict social control, women are defined by their residence. Migration [to cities] by young women on their own is often seen as tantamount to prostitution, and prostitution is, initially, proved through migration. Hausa women are forced into a very narrow range of roles, limited still more by the women\u2019s lack of education or other skills which would enable them to seek occupations in the formal sector of the economy (1312).<\/p>\n

Thus, there are enormous social pressures on women to marry at a young age and practice seclusion.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In conclusion, although there are indeed a number of benefits women can gain from engaging in purdah such as free time to work on crafts and goods, relief from the hardship of agricultural labor, and an increase in social stature. However, an oppressive culture surrounds the practice, which can lead to high rates of maternal morbidity and social isolation. These are consequences which cannot not be ignored, and which stand a good chance of being addressed through increased education for women.<\/p>\n

Case Two: Iban Emud and the Tuareg<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 As we will see, the case of the Tuareg is quite different than that of the Hausa despite their relatively close geographic proximity. \u00a0In many ways, Tuareg society has resisted some of the aspects of a broader Islamic culture that are associated with the oppression of women, including practices such as seclusion. \u00a0In a presentation to the Royal Geographic Society in Great Britain in 1926, Francis Rodd remarked that \u201camong the Tuareg women are as free, if not freer, than in England\u2026 Their influence is very great\u201d (32). \u00a0While this is certainly subjective and open to debate, I do think there is a lot of truth to this observation. \u00a0In Tuareg culture, female assertiveness is viewed as a \u201cdesirable feminine trait,\u201d and women do not hesitate to \u201cassert their right to a public presence and voice their opinions openly\u201d (Worley). \u00a0Women in Tuareg societies are not expected to wear a veil, they have a great deal of sexual freedom, retain large amounts of independence within marriage, and cannot be forced to marry a spouse against their will; additionally, wives are not secluded and it is easy for them to obtain divorces. \u00a0Furthermore, women assume ownership over their own animals, care for the family herds, and \u201cexert considerable influence over economic matters in general\u201d (Nicolaisen II: 709, 712). \u00a0Finally, women fulfill important roles as ritual healers and as mothers, which is, \u201caccording to both men and women,\u201d one of the most valued roles in Tuareg society (Worley). \u00a0In general, it is accurate to say that Tuareg women have a very visible public presence and are important members of the tribe due to their role in preserving the matriliny. \u00a0However, while they do enjoy relative freedom and autonomy, ritual restrictions exist for Tuareg women during menstruation. \u00a0What I hope to convey is that while menstrual taboos are associated with Islamic concerns surrounding impurity, in the Tuareg context the practice has less to do with Islamic concerns and more to do with Tuareg cultural values of modesty and reserve.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 First, it will be helpful to have a brief discussion about perceptions surrounding menstrual taboos. \u00a0Menstrual taboos do not only exist in Islam, but are present in many cultures and religions across the globe, including (but certainly not limited to) Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity (see Guterman\u2019s \u201cMenstrual Taboos Among Major Religions\u201d for further explication). \u00a0Indeed, this \u201cordinary biological event has been subject to extraordinary symbolic elaboration in a wide variety of cultures,\u201d the likes of which have led many anthropologists to view such taboos \u201cas evidence of primitive irrationality and of the supposed universal dominance of men over women in society\u201d (Buckley and Gottlieb 3). \u00a0However, a different and perhaps more pertinent interpretation in the Tuareg context is that \u201cmenstrual customs, rather than subordinating women to men fearful of them, provide women with means of ensuring their own autonomy, influence, and social control\u201d (Buckley and Gottlieb 7). \u00a0Some scholars have even gone so far as to posit that restrictions surrounding women can be \u201cenabling rather than constraining, especially when they are viewed in conjunction with other restrictions, including those that apply to men\u201d (Rasmussen, \u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 751). \u00a0In order to illustrate this, we will take a closer look at ritual restrictions surrounding menstruation in Tuareg tribes.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In Tamacheq, the language of the Tuareg, the term for menstruation is \u201ciban emud,\u201d which literally translated means \u201clack of prayer\u201d (Rasmussen, \u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 751). \u00a0While this references prayer restrictions for women during menses, it only tells half the story: menstruation is both \u201ca prerequisite, just as much a limitation, to participating in Islamic observances\u201d (Rasmussen, \u201cPolitics of Aging\u201d 42). \u00a0Menstruating women are not allowed to harvest crops, drink the milk of animals that have young, touch leather water containers used by men, pray or fast during Ramadan, or touch men\u2019s swords and religious amulets. \u00a0At the same time, menstruation is a rite of passage for women signifying when they come of child-bearing age, after which they are considered adults and begin to fast during Ramadan and participate in other rituals intended for adults only. \u00a0Similarly, menstruation is associated with fertility, and is thus positively valued. \u00a0Rasmussen is careful to point out that \u201critual restrictions often surround figures of high status and authority,\u201d and those surrounding menstruation \u201cconstitute efforts to control descent and protect the statuses of both men and women through a fusion of economics, descent, marriage, and household ties\u201d (\u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 755). Thus, restrictions during menstruation \u201cemerge as part of general notions of dignity, reserve, and modesty among both men and women,\u201d general notions that for women tend to focus on reproductive processes and for men focus on their face and mouth (Rasmussen, \u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 759). Laxness in observance \u201cresults in a diminishing of self-respect, which, in the Tuareg view, implies not freedom but servitude\u201d; similarly, the \u201cdropping of restrictions implies actively polluting self and others\u201d in the sense that doing so subjects one to harmful external influences that could negatively affect the entire community (Rasmussen, \u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 755, 757). \u00a0The Tuareg believe that bodily fluids of all kinds have the potential to carry danger, so rather than singling out women for menstruating, these ritual restrictions serve to protect women from harm at a time in which they are more susceptible to negative outside influences.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Thus, ritual restrictions among the Tuareg exist as an effort in \u201cself-preservation in the face of competing forces, but these forces do not emanate from female biology alone\u201d (Rasmussen, \u201cLack of Prayer\u201d 766). \u00a0Such restrictions, for men and for women, have more to do with the fragility of the matriliny than notions of impurity. \u00a0Rather than hold women back, they function to protect both men and women at times when they are particularly vulnerable to harmful forces.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 In addressing this paper\u2019s broader theme of the impact that Islam has had on Tuareg women, the results are suggestive but not conclusive. \u00a0The biggest obstacle to making a more definitive claim has been the lack of reliable sources describing Tuareg customs prior to the arrival of Islam. \u00a0Clearly, one cannot say much about how Islam has impacted Tuareg women with a fragmented basis of comparison; at the same time, several sources claim that the Tuareg have mostly retained their pre-Islamic customs rather than adopt Islamic ways en masse. \u00a0This could perhaps explain why in many ways Tuareg women enjoy much more social visibility, freedom, and mobility than do women in other predominantly Islamic societies. \u00a0This suggests that although the Tuareg have accepted Islam, they have rejected the traditional gender roles associated with it. \u00a0Therefore, while it is hard to make a definitive claim without knowing more about Tuareg women in pre-Islamic times, the evidence that is available implies that Islam has not had a negative impact on women\u2019s lives, but has been adopted in such a way that has allowed the Tuareg to accept aspects of the religion while rejecting those that contradict their cultural values. \u00a0Moreover, one must be careful to remember that there is not one monolithic \u201cIslam,\u201d but more accurately many different iterations of \u201cIslam\u201d; therefore, while there may be some forms that oppress women, as the Tuareg case proves there are also forms that do not.<\/p>\n

Conclusions<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Whether one understands Islam to have a positive or negative impact on the rights of women, it is clear that Islamic practice can be a significant force of cultural change. \u00a0While at first glance it may seem like ritual restrictions such as seclusion and menstrual taboos only function to control women and subordinate them to men, there are ways in which women draw power and importance from these practices. \u00a0There are several negative aspects of purdah, yet it has also been interpreted by Hausa women as a symbol of their family\u2019s prosperity and an opportunity for them to enjoy leisure time and produce goods, which in turn affords them significant economic power. Their power can only increase as women gain more access to education and medical resources. Similarly, restrictions for menstruating Tuareg women may seem limiting, but menstruation is a rite of passage that is associated with fertility and the ability to become a mother, which is a highly valued status; in fact, restrictions exist for men as well, and for both genders such practices are more closely associated with preserving the matriliny and traditional Tuareg values than Islam. \u00a0The negative aspects should not be downplayed\u2014they should be identified and addressed; yet at the same time, it is important to recognize that women\u2019s responses to such restrictions can lead to positive outcomes as well.<\/p>\n

Notes on The Sources<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The types of the research this paper has drawn on to examine the relationship between Islam and women in West Africa vary. \u00a0Information about the Tuareg largely drew upon ethnographic research conducted within the last twenty years, although some of the research was a bit older. While there was certainly plenty to work with, the most recent ethnographic studies were performed by the same few researchers. \u00a0Needless to say, research in this area would greatly benefit from the contributions of a larger, more diverse group of scholars as well as greater access to pre-Islamic Tuareg history.<\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Research on the Hausa was obtained primarily through ethnographic surveys and anthropological research in Niger and Nigeria. VerEecke, Henquinet, Cooper, and Callaway are all respected anthropologists with years of experience working in the region. There is also historical analysis by Cooper and Pierce, as well as a paper by Wall which draws its data primarily from the World Health Organization. Though these sources provide a broad view of this complex topic, the list of material lacks any book length analyses. This might prevent a more in depth and detailed examination of the topic.<\/p>\n

\u00a0Quick Reference Guide: Gender Role Comparison Between the Hausa and Tuareg<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n

Gender Ideology among Muslim Hausa and Tuareg Women<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Hausa<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Tuareg<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\n

Expected Social Behavior<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Women are expected to be submissive and defer to the judgement of their male superiors. When married, they must be veiled in public and are generally kept in seclusion.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Women can be assertive and vocalize their opinions in a public manner. They have relative independence within marriage and are not expected to veil themselves.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\n

Economic Productivity<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Women in seclusion are expected to refrain from working in agriculture but are able to earn their own private income through trade in goods and services delivered to their clients through their children<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Women enjoy economic independence within their marriage and work in agriculture to bring income into their household.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\n

Ritual Restrictions<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Muslim Hausa practice seclusion, known as purdah, which confines a woman to her husband\u2019s household for her childbearing years in marriage. She may leave the compound under the veil and accompanied by children.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n

\n

Menstruating Tuareg Muslim women are not allowed to harvest crops, drink the milk of animals that have young, touch leather water containers used by men, pray or fast during Ramadan, or touch men\u2019s swords and religious amulets.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n

Works Cited
\n<\/strong><\/p>\n

\n

Bop, C. \u201cRoles and the Position of Women in Sufi Brotherhoods in Senegal.\u201d Journal of the American Academy of Religion 73.4 (2005): 1099\u20131119.<\/p>\n

Buckley, Thomas, and Alma Gottlieb, eds. Blood Magic: The Anthropology of Menstruation<\/i>. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1988. Print.<\/p>\n

Callaway, Barabara J. \u201cAmbiguous Consequences of Socialization and Seclusion of Hausa Women,\u201d The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Sept. 1984), pp. 429-450<\/p>\n

Clarke, Peter B. West Africa and Islam. London, UK: Edward Arnold Publishers, 1982. Print.<\/p>\n

Cooper, Barbara M. \u201cThe Politics of Difference and Women\u2019s Associations in Niger: Of \u201cProstitutes,\u201d the Public, and Politics,\u201d Signs, Col. 20, No. 4, Postcolonial, Emergent, and Indigenous Feminisims, (Summer, 1995), pp 851-882<\/p>\n

Coulon, C. \u201cWomen, Islam, and Baraka.\u201d Donal Cruise O\u2019Brien & Christian Coulon, eds. Charisma and Brotherhood in African Islam. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988. 113\u2013135.<\/p>\n

Henquinet, Kari Bergstrom. \u201cThe Rise of Wife Seclusion in Rural South Central Niger ,\u201c Ethnology, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Winter 2007), pp. 57-80<\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Conceptions of Female Ritual Restrictions Among the Hausa and Tuareg Introduction \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The impact Islam has on women\u2019s rights has been an area of debate in recent years. \u00a0While some scholars consider Islam a religion for men with \u201can institutionalized mistrust of women\u201d that views the female as \u201cpotentially dangerous and a source of disorder,\u201d […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":543,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-9","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/9","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/543"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=9"}],"version-history":[{"count":22,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/9\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":123,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/9\/revisions\/123"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/vlbrenna-rel163\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=9"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}