{"id":50,"date":"2019-04-02T12:54:47","date_gmt":"2019-04-02T16:54:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/?p=50"},"modified":"2019-05-09T13:42:47","modified_gmt":"2019-05-09T17:42:47","slug":"gangs-in-honduras","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/2019\/04\/02\/gangs-in-honduras\/","title":{"rendered":"Gangs in Honduras"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>Katya Rudnik<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The long-term history of gangs in Honduras can be traced all the way back to the fall of the Spanish Empire in the mid 1800s. The collapse of this empire left the territories of what we now understand to be Central America, to split off into separate regions. This incited gruesome civil wars between plantation owners to try to attain territory and thus harness control (Grillo, 188). This was a foundational moment in the history of Central America which added to historically weak states and lack of social services. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A century later amidst the Cold War, civil war was once again rampant across Central America. As a result nearly 500,000 refugees were displaced, many of whom fled to the United States in search of safety between the years of 1980 and 1990 (Grillo, 188). These Civil Wars left a legacy of violence which still moves freely across the borders of three <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cfr.org\/backgrounder\/central-americas-violent-northern-triangle\">Northern Triangle Countries<\/a>, Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. At this moment, right-wing paramilitary groups were being backed by the Reagan administration to fight against a left-wing rebel group called the Farabundo Mart\u00ed National Liberation (FLMN) (\u00c1lvarez, 20). This attempt by the US to fight communism is responsible for a large portion of the displaced people as aforementioned. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The refugees arriving to the US settled primarily in Los Angeles, California. With a lack of social or state support and with little prospects for work, gangs were formed to bridge this gap of accommodations for a basic quality of life (Douglas, 60). Thus, <a href=\"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/2019\/04\/02\/mara-salvatrucha-overview\/\">Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13)<\/a>, and <a href=\"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/2019\/04\/02\/barrio-18-overview\/\">Barrio-18 <\/a>were formed. Scapegoating individuals within these gangs, the US was able to deport thousands of gang members back to Central America. This is the ultimate irony of President Trump&#8217;s claims about Mexico and other Central American countries \u201cnot sending us their best,\u201d because the United States Government <a href=\"https:\/\/www.insightcrime.org\/el-salvador-organized-crime-news\/mara-salvatrucha-ms-13-profile\/\">literally shipped gang members and murderers into Central America. <\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Once back in Central America these\nthousands of gang members grew in numbers and strength. It turns out that what\nwas festering beneath the surface of dangerous criminal behavior in the United\nStates, was able to breathe and grow rapidly within weak states such as\nHonduras.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Gangs grew in power and size so rapidly and without precedent for four major reasons: First, in countries such as Honduras, statehood was achieved very late making for weak state institutions (Kolb, 14). Second, disenfranchisement of individuals has proven to create a higher susceptibility for gang membership. Without economic prospects and no protection, people have little choice but to become sympathizers or jump into gangs such as MS-13 (Grillo, 193). Third, Honduras had already been the site of cocaine traffickers, being a center for production and distribution of cocaine for the rest of Central America and the world at large (Kolb, 16). Finally, all of these issues operate within a positive feedback loop in a self-perpetuating system. Impunity for crimes allows for crime and violence, leading to corruption, and the cycle continues. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; As for <a href=\"https:\/\/www.insightcrime.org\/honduras-organized-crime-news\/honduras\/\">Honduras<\/a> specifically, this country acted as a launching pad for the rapid growth of the Maras after their attained strength primarily in El Salvador. Maras do not adhere to a state, they create their own pyramid of power and governance, moving across borders and growing within cities where they have boss who can lead in that place (Grillo, 210). Power is able to grow stronger in prisons as prisons are just an extension of the state and have a very weak infrastructure as well (Grillo, 210). <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Each set of driving forces of the\nstrength of these Maras is a result of weak home states. Moreover, there are\ndirect intervention policies the Unites States&nbsp;\nhas made to exacerbate displacement and violence. The legacy of these\ngangs is rampant displacement and loss of life due to violence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Further Reading:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.crisisgroup.org\/latin-america-caribbean\/central-america\/62-mafia-poor-gang-violence-and-extortion-central-america\">1. Mafia of the Poor: Gang Violence and\nExtortion in Central America<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article\nprovides an extremely in-depth overview of gangs in Central America. First the\narticle provides an executive summary and then outlines in much detail,\nrecommendations to various actors who share responsibility in these issues. It\nthen provides a very thorough but comprehensive history of gangs in Central\nAmerica.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.cfr.org\/backgrounder\/central-americas-violent-northern-triangle\">2. Central America\u2019s Violent Northern\nTriangle<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article\ngives an overview of violence in the Northern Triangle: Honduras, El Salvador,\nand Guatemala. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.insightcrime.org\/investigations\/special-report-gangs-in-honduras\/\">3. Special Report: Gangs in Honduras<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article is\nuseful in providing an overview of gangs in Honduras. It outlines major details\nabout the two most prominent gangs in Honduras, Barrio-18 and MS-13. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.nationalgeographic.com\/photography\/proof\/2018\/february\/honduras-gang-violence-migration-corruption-boys\/\">4. In Gang-Ridden Honduras, Growing Old\nis a Privilege, Not a Right<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Young people are\ncaught up in a cycle of violence, corruption and poverty in Honduras. National\nGeographic explains, in this article, that growing old is not a right for the\nyouth, namely young boys, in this country but a privilege. The main value in\nthis article is the breathtaking a devastating photo journalism that captures\nthe comradery but also the sorrow of the young boys growing up amidst this\nviolence, with pressures to conform, as they try to stay alive. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/world.wng.org\/2018\/07\/bloody_honduras\">5. Bloody Honduras<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article\noutlines the fear people face in Honduras and why they seek refuge by traveling\nnorth to the United States. This article is particularly enlightening because\nit interviews a member of Barrio-18, MS-13\u2019s rival, which in general is covered\nless by news outlets and academic journals alike. This is most likely because\nMS-13 has a stronger presence and more bloodshed behind its name than Barrio. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.ajs-us.org\/content\/why-honduras-so-violent\">6. Why is Honduras so Violent? Impunity,\nGangs, Drugs, Poverty, and Corruption<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article\ndoes a really nice job outlining the self-perpetuating cycle that drives\nviolence and crime in Honduras. This cycle begins with a weak justice system\nand impunity, thus resulting in crime and violence, leading to corruption,\nwhich allows for weak justice system and impunity to continue in a positive\nfeedback loop.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.centralamerica.com\/honduras\/history\/\">7. Brief History of Honduras <\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article is\nuseful because it provides an overview of Honduran history. Of course we know\nthat in the disciplines of history and social science, phenomena do not just\noccur in isolation. The history of a place, as far back as you can go, has a\nhand in what came of its present and what will come of its future. This article\ndoes a nice job briefly describing major events in Honduras as far back as\n12,000 BC to track how the violence came to be in Honduras.&nbsp; <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.brookings.edu\/blog\/order-from-chaos\/2015\/10\/01\/why-is-honduras-so-violent\/\">8. Why is Honduras so violent?<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This article is\nuseful in describing the relationship that gangs have with global drug trade\nand how impunity in that realm went on to affect impunity in the realm of gang\ncrimes as well.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bibliography<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u00c1lvarez,\nAlberto Mart\u00edn. &#8220;From Revolutionary War to Democratic Revolution &#8220;. <em>Berghof\nConflict Research <\/em>&nbsp;(2010): 1-37.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Cruz,\nJos\u00e9 Miguel. &#8220;Criminal Violence and Democratization in Central America:\nThe Survival of the State.&#8221; <em>Latin American Politics and Society <\/em>53,\nno. 4 (2011): 1-33.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Grillo,\nIoan. <em>Gangster Warlords: Drug Dollars, Killing Fields and the New Politics\nof Latin America<\/em>.&nbsp; New York, New York\nBloomsbury Publishing Plc, (2016), 188.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Farah,\nDouglas. &#8220;Central American Gangs: Challenging Nature and New\nPartners.&#8221; <em>Journal of International Affairs <\/em>66, no. 1 (2012):\n53-67.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Farah,\nDouglas. &#8220;The Evolution of Ms 13 in El Salvador and Honduras.&#8221; <em>Institute\nfor National Strategic Security, National Defense University <\/em>7, no. 1 (2017):\n58-73.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kolb,\nAna-Constantina. &#8220;Outgunned: The Honduran Gight against Transnational\nCocaine Traffickers &#8220;. <em>Journal of International Affairs <\/em>66, no. 1\n(2012): 213-23.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Rivera,\nLirio del Carmen Guti\u00e9rrez. &#8220;Security Politics from a Spatial Perspective:\nThe Case of Honduras &#8220;. <em>Iberoamericana <\/em>41 (2001): 143-55.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Verini,\nJames. &#8220;Prisoners Rule: Welcome to the Deadliest City in the Deadliest\nCountry in the World.&#8221; <em>Foreign Policy <\/em>196: 36-40.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Wolf,\nSonja. &#8220;Mara Salvatrucha: The Most Dangerous Street Gangs in the\nAmericas?&#8221;. <em>Latin American Politics and Society <\/em>54, no. 1 (2012):\n65-99.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Katya Rudnik The long-term history of gangs in Honduras can be traced all the way back to the fall of the Spanish Empire in the mid 1800s. The collapse of this empire left the territories of what we now understand to be Central America, to split off into separate regions. This incited gruesome civil wars [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5571,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[586340,583769,584270,585952,587539],"class_list":["post-50","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","tag-barrio-18","tag-central-american-gangs","tag-honduras","tag-ms-13","tag-violence-in-latin-america"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/50","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5571"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=50"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/50\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":208,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/50\/revisions\/208"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=50"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=50"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.uvm.edu\/sosten-centralamerica\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=50"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}